Zor ve devrimci \u015fiddet, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimin olmazsa olmaz\u0131d\u0131r. Bundan dolay\u0131 Karl Marx, Zor, devrimin ebesidir diyor. Zor, asl\u0131nda do\u011fan\u0131n ve evrenin do\u011fal i\u015fleyi\u015finde de ge\u00e7erli bir kanun olmaktad\u0131r. Zor, olmas\u0131 gerekeni g\u00fc\u00e7 kullanarak yapmakt\u0131r. Akan suyun, yerinde duramamas\u0131 ve dolan bir baraj\u0131n ta\u015fmas\u0131da, g\u00fcne\u015fin do\u011fup batmas\u0131, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6nmesi i\u015fte zor dedi\u011fimiz olayd\u0131r. Bundan dolay\u0131, do\u011fadaki temel yasa ve kanunlar toplumsal s\u00fcre\u00e7lerdeki geli\u015fimlerdede ge\u00e7erlidir tan\u0131m\u0131 yap\u0131l\u0131r. Yada do\u011fadaki yasalar-kanunlar toplumlar ve b\u00fct\u00fcn canl\u0131lar i\u00e7inde ge\u00e7erlidir denir. Tarihin binlerce y\u0131l ge\u00e7mi\u015fine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, zorsuz bir\u015fey olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mevcut stat\u00fckocu g\u00fc\u00e7ler, toplumsal geli\u015fimin \u00f6n\u00fcnde engeller olu\u015ftururken, toplumu daha ileri ta\u015f\u0131mak isteyen devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7lerde, devrimci \u015fiddeti uygulayarak, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimde motor g\u00fc\u00e7 olmu\u015flard\u0131r. Tarihte gayri me\u015fru olan hi\u00e7bir g\u00fc\u00e7, ebedi olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrememi\u015ftir. \u00c7e\u015fitli hile, entrika ve g\u00f6z boyamalarla, ve zaman zaman zulm\u00fc-fa\u015fizmi uygulayarak egemenlik kurmu\u015flar, sistemlerinin \u00f6m\u00fcrlerini uzatm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrtler d\u00fcnyada en ge\u00e7 ulu\u015fla\u015fan halklardan biridir diyebiliriz. Ulus devletler har\u0131l har\u0131l vah\u015fi bir \u015fekilde kurulduklar\u0131nda, K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7e kapan\u0131k bir a\u015firetsel ya\u015fam s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyorlard\u0131, olup biten her\u015feyden habersiz olarak. Feodol \u00e7a\u011fda a\u015firet tarz\u0131 y\u00f6netim K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal taleplerine a\u015firetsel temelde bir nebze de olsa \u00e7are olurken ulus devletler \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda bu \u00e7ok yetersiz kald\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtler g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ulusal ve kapitalist devletlerin aras\u0131nda pasta gibi payla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131lar. K\u00fcrtler g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ulusal \u00f6nderli\u011fe sahip olsalard\u0131, bu par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k olmazd\u0131 ve hi\u00e7bir g\u00fc\u00e7, K\u00fcrtlerin topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal etmeye ve asimilasyonu hayata ge\u00e7irmeye kalk\u0131\u015famazlard\u0131. Son elli y\u0131lda e\u011fer PKK olmasayd\u0131, K\u00fcrtler \u015fimdi asimile olmu\u015flard\u0131, geriye sadece kuru kasnak misali bir deri ve kemik kal\u0131rd\u0131. PKK’nin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 asl\u0131nda bir zorunluluktan kaynakland\u0131. K\u00fcrtlerin tan\u0131nmaz halde olmalar\u0131, PKK’nin kurulu\u015funu ve gecikmeden harekete ge\u00e7mesini zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yordu. \u0130\u015fte bundan dolay\u0131 15 A\u011fustos, K\u00fcrtlerin dirili\u015fi i\u00e7in bir milat olma \u00f6zelli\u011finde sahiptir. K\u00fcrtlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 fiziki trajediyi, katliam\u0131 bir\u00e7ok millet ya\u015fad\u0131 ama K\u00fcrtlere dayat\u0131lan beyaz katliam\u0131n, asimilasyonun ba\u015fka uluslarada yat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na tan\u0131k olmad\u0131k, g\u00f6rmedik.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrtler, hi\u00e7bir zaman \u015fiddet ve zora tapmad\u0131lar ve \u015fiddeti tercih etmediler. En k\u00f6t\u00fc \u015fartlarda bile K\u00fcrtler, siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc tercih etmi\u015flerdir. K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in devrimci Zor sadece bir zorunluluk oldu ama tercih olmad\u0131. \u0130nkarc\u0131 sistemlerin nas\u0131l K\u00fcrtlere yakla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 ve yapt\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131n\u0131rsa, K\u00fcrtlerin neden zora ba\u015fvurduklar\u0131 yada zorun K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in neyi ifade etti\u011fi ve ne anlama geldi\u011fi daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Hi\u00e7kimse, K\u00fcrtler \u015fiddetten ba\u015fka bir m\u00fccadele yolu bilmiyorlar diyemezler, diyenlerede, K\u00fcrt Ulusal \u00d6nderli\u011fi’nin 1993’den itibaren ka\u00e7 defa ate\u015fkes ilan etti\u011fini ve siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmde \u0131srar etti\u011fini g\u00f6stermemiz yeterli olur. PKK hi\u00e7bir zaman \u015fiddete tapmad\u0131, ancak devrimci \u015fiddeti, var olmak ve ya\u015famak i\u00e7in gerekti\u011fi i\u00e7in etkince uygulad\u0131, uygulayacak. PKK, \u015fiddetten ba\u015fka yol bilmiyor diyen baz\u0131 \u00e7evrelerede, PKK \u00f6nderli\u011fi’nin ka\u00e7 defa siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc g\u00fcndeme getirdi\u011fini, bar\u0131\u015f elini uzatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ama elinin havada kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve muhatap bulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyoruz.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Bug\u00fcn, K\u00fcrt sorunun siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc s\u00f6z konusu olsun, PKK demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme d\u00fcnden raz\u0131d\u0131r ve siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme gelir. Devrimci \u015fiddet, demokratik ve bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l kanallar\u0131n kapat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve legal sahan\u0131n kapal\u0131 oldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda bir zorunluluk olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. \u0130\u015fte K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal m\u00fccadeleside b\u00f6ylesi antidemokratik ko\u015fullar\u0131n en koyu karanl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131nda bir var olu\u015f \u00e7aresi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. PKK, asl\u0131nda klasik bir ulusal m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fcyor, PKK K\u00fcrtleri ulu\u015fla\u015ft\u0131rma, sosyalle\u015ftirme, demokratikle\u015ftirme m\u00fccadelesi y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor. Yani PKK, K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir geli\u015fim, de\u011fi\u015fim kavgas\u0131, m\u00fccadelesi y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor. K\u00fcrtler d\u00fcn oldu\u011fu gibi, bug\u00fcnde siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131rlar ve demokratik ulus \u00e7izgisinde \u0131srarl\u0131lar. 15 A\u011fustos, K\u00fcrtlere cesaret, g\u00fc\u00e7 ve m\u00fccadele etme azmi verdi, K\u00fcrtleri ulusal olarak birle\u015ftirdi, g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi. 15 A\u011fustos at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla gerilla, K\u00fcrtlerin g\u00fcvenli\u011fini sa\u011flayan bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olmu\u015f ve asimilasyoncu inkarc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin, K\u00fcrtleri asimile etmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. PKK, art\u0131k bir gerilla g\u00fcc\u00fc de\u011fil, bir halk g\u00fcc\u00fc haline gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt gen\u00e7leri elli y\u0131ld\u0131r b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6zveri ve g\u00f6r\u00fclmedik bir fedakarl\u0131kla m\u00fccadele ederek, isyan ederek, direnerek bu b\u00fcy\u00fck gerilla ordula\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve adeta yoktan bir halk\u0131 var etti, yaratt\u0131. Baz\u0131lar\u0131 diyorki PKK’den \u00f6ncede K\u00fcrtler vard\u0131. Tabiki vard\u0131, PKK, K\u00fcrtleri g\u00f6kten zembille getirmedi. Ama PKK yokken nas\u0131l bir K\u00fcrt vard\u0131? K\u00fcrt oldu\u011funu bilmeyen ve konu\u015ftu\u011fu dilin hangi dil oldu\u011funu bilmeyen K\u00fcrt\u00fcm demeye cesaret edemeyen, tan\u0131nmayan bir K\u00fcrt vard\u0131. Yani fiziken vard\u0131 tabi ama ruhen yoktu, ulusal olarak yoktu. PKK ayn\u0131 zamanda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr devrimi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi. Kad\u0131n devrimi ve ordula\u015fmas\u0131 bile ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck bir devrimi ifade eder. Askeri direni\u015fler, siyasi, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, sosyal de\u011fi\u015fimler, ba\u015far\u0131lar i\u00e7indir. PKK, siyasi olarak b\u00fcy\u00fck kazan\u0131mlar elde etti. Demokratik devrimci bir halk yaratmas\u0131 bunun kan\u0131t\u0131 olmaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal m\u00fccadelesini d\u00fcnya’n\u0131n di\u011fer ulusal m\u00fccadelelerinden ay\u0131rt eden en \u00f6nemli y\u00f6n\u00fcde kapsay\u0131c\u0131 olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Yani halklar\u0131n karde\u015fli\u011fini hedeflemesidir. Demokratik ulus paradigmas\u0131 ve kom\u00fcnalizm bunu ifade eder. Bir\u00e7ok ulusal m\u00fccadele emperyalizmin-kapitalizmin yedek lasti\u011fi ve bastonu oldular ve kendilerine bile hay\u0131rlar\u0131 olmad\u0131. Son 36 y\u0131lda binlerce 15 A\u011fustos ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti ve her 15 A\u011fustos farkl\u0131 geli\u015fimlere yol a\u00e7t\u0131. K\u00fcrt gerillas\u0131 kazand\u0131, inkarc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler iflas ettiler, askeri \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131n\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ve yenilgileri bunun \u0131spat\u0131 oluyor. Siyasi olarak iflas edenler askeri ve teknik olarak uzun \u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc olamazlar, y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131rlar. \u0130nkarc\u0131 sistem y\u0131k\u0131lma s\u00fcrecine girmi\u015ftir. \u0130slami fa\u015fist bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet olan AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmi, inkarc\u0131, sistemin son k\u00f6hnemi\u015f kalesidir ve \u00e7at\u0131rd\u0131yor, son zamanlar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015f\u0131yor. K\u00fcrtlerin bug\u00fcn devrimci demokratik bir d\u00fczey kazanmas\u0131, 15 A\u011fuston’un ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n bir kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r…<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Kemal S\u00f6be<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Zor ve devrimci \u015fiddet, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimin olmazsa olmaz\u0131d\u0131r. Bundan dolay\u0131 Karl Marx, Zor, devrimin ebesidir diyor. Zor, asl\u0131nda do\u011fan\u0131n ve evrenin do\u011fal i\u015fleyi\u015finde de ge\u00e7erli bir kanun olmaktad\u0131r. Zor, olmas\u0131 gerekeni g\u00fc\u00e7 kullanarak yapmakt\u0131r. Akan suyun, yerinde duramamas\u0131 ve dolan bir baraj\u0131n ta\u015fmas\u0131da, g\u00fcne\u015fin do\u011fup batmas\u0131, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6nmesi i\u015fte zor dedi\u011fimiz olayd\u0131r. Bundan dolay\u0131, do\u011fadaki […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":11599,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"subtitle":"","format":"standard","video":"","gallery":"","source_name":"","source_url":"","via_name":"","via_url":"","override_template":"0","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"0","layout":"right-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"top","share_float_style":"share-monocrhome","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"Y\/m\/d","show_post_category":"1","show_post_reading_time":"0","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","show_zoom_button":"0","zoom_button_out_step":"2","zoom_button_in_step":"3","show_post_tag":"1","show_prev_next_post":"1","show_popup_post":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_author_box":"0","show_post_related":"0","show_inline_post_related":"0"}],"override_image_size":"0","image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post":"0","trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post":"0","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","sponsored_post_name":"","sponsored_post_url":"","sponsored_post_logo_enable":"0","sponsored_post_logo":"","sponsored_post_desc":""},"jnews_primary_category":{"id":""},"jnews_social_meta":{"fb_title":"","fb_description":"","fb_image":"","twitter_title":"","twitter_description":"","twitter_image":""},"jnews_override_counter":{"override_view_counter":"0","view_counter_number":"0","override_share_counter":"0","share_counter_number":"0","override_like_counter":"0","like_counter_number":"0","override_dislike_counter":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[2965,956,354,363,124],"class_list":["post-11598","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler","tag-15-agustos","tag-devrim","tag-kurtler","tag-pkk","tag-ulus-devlet"],"acf":[],"post_mailing_queue_ids":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11598","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/23"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11598"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11598\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11600,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11598\/revisions\/11600"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11599"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11598"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11598"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11598"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}