{"id":12628,"date":"2021-04-04T09:41:12","date_gmt":"2021-04-04T07:41:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/?p=12628"},"modified":"2021-04-04T09:41:46","modified_gmt":"2021-04-04T07:41:46","slug":"12628-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/12628-2\/","title":{"rendered":"Do\u011fu\u015f"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\u201c4 Nisan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, gen\u00e7lerin baharla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Her 4 Nisan\u2019da a\u011fa\u00e7land\u0131rma ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi k\u00f6klerimizi topra\u011fa g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc salmad\u0131r. Tanr\u0131\u00e7a kutsall\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki \u00f6z yurdumuza y\u00f6nelik her sald\u0131r\u0131ya misliyle \u00f6zsavunma temelinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verme, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ulus-devletlerin ekolojik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 topra\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131, suyumuzu, havam\u0131z\u0131 koruma bilincini ve eylemini t\u00fcm toplumda geli\u015ftirme herkesin sorumlulu\u011fudur. 4 Nisan ekolojik sorumlulu\u011fa davettir. Do\u011fal ya\u015fam\u0131 koruman\u0131n ve ya\u015fama sahip \u00e7\u0131kman\u0131n karar\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toplumlarda meydana gelme, do\u011fma, do\u011fu\u015f anlam\u0131nda her \u00e7ocuk m\u00fcjdeyle, heyecanla, sevin\u00e7le kar\u015f\u0131lan\u0131r. K\u0131z \u00e7ocuklar\u0131na cinsiyet\u00e7i yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bir tarafa b\u0131rakmadan genelde \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fu yeniye dair, gelece\u011fe dair umudu ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, ortam\u0131 kaplayan mutluluk olur. Hakeza, do\u011fan\u0131n baharla yenilenme evresi de mu\u015ftuyla kar\u015f\u0131lan\u0131r. Yani do\u011fu\u015f canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir ere\u011fidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

E\u011fer sevin\u00e7, bir aile s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131 a\u015f\u0131p bir toplumun sevincine, umuduna, inanc\u0131na, kimli\u011fine, kendisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015fse, ku\u015fkusuz bu do\u011fu\u015fun bamba\u015fka anlamlarla y\u00fcklendi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klar. Burada bahsedece\u011fimiz fiziki do\u011fu\u015ftan ziyade toplumsal, siyasal ihtiyaca cevap veren do\u011fu\u015ftur. Demokratik K\u00fcrdistan Konfederalizmi ve Kad\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi\u2019nin, \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin do\u011fu\u015fu olan 4 Nisan\u2019\u0131 toplumsal olarak kutlanmas\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda yatan ger\u00e7ekler vard\u0131r. Bu ger\u00e7eklere indik\u00e7e 4 Nisan\u2019\u0131n tarihsel-toplumsal anlam\u0131 ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki yeri daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu yaz\u0131da bu do\u011fu\u015fu tarihsel k\u0131lan, \u00f6zel k\u0131lan, toplumsal k\u0131lan, \u00e7a\u011fa \u00f6nderlik eden nedenlerini a\u00e7maya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, K\u00fcrd\u00fcn ve K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fudur<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

R\u00eaber Apo, ad\u0131n\u0131 bile herkesin s\u00f6ylemekten \u00e7ekindi\u011fi, i\u015fgalci-soyk\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 zorba g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ise inkar etti\u011fi, K\u00fcrtlerin de nineden-dededen kalma s\u0131r gibi saklad\u0131\u011f\u0131, sadece zay\u0131f duygular\u0131nda, an\u0131lar\u0131nda hayal olarak ya\u015fatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclkenin yurtseverli\u011fini yapt\u0131. Hem de \u00f6yle bir hayal ki, uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin tarih kitaplar\u0131nda, eski tarihe ait siyasi haritada ilgilisini g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti devletinin ise K\u00fcrtlere hayalini kurmay\u0131 bile yasaklad\u0131\u011f\u0131 silik bir hayal; bunun da \u00f6tesinde hayalet i\u00e7in ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmak hi\u00e7 de kolay olmasa gerek. \u0130nkar\u0131n derinli\u011fi, zalimli\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlamaya y\u00f6nelmek adeta yoktan var etme gibi mucizeyle a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Zay\u0131f bir hayalin pe\u015finden g\u00f6t\u00fcrecek olan yol de\u011fil, yolcusunun olmas\u0131yd\u0131. Yol yoktu ama yolcu ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ve yolcuya y\u00fcr\u00fcme takati veren inan\u00e7t\u0131. A\u011fz\u0131 var dili yok, fiziki var ad\u0131 yok, haks\u0131zl\u0131k var davas\u0131 yok, avukat\u0131 yok yani son iki y\u00fczy\u0131la kadar rahatla g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclebilecek inkar tarihinde K\u00fcrtlere yok h\u00fckm\u00fcnde karar bi\u00e7ilmi\u015fti. \u00d6yle ki, nereye bak\u0131lsa, neye el at\u0131lsa her \u015fey de\u011fersiz, anlams\u0131z, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olmayan, yok h\u00fckm\u00fcndeki kanunun emrinde y\u00fczde y\u00fcz egemenlik alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirilmi\u015f halk\u0131n ya\u015fam diye s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ara ara k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7 g\u00f6sterileri e\u015fli\u011finde sohbeti yap\u0131l\u0131rken, beklemeye al\u0131nan kurbanl\u0131k gibiydi. Edebiyat, tarih, sanat, siyaset ve di\u011fer alanlarda bulunmaz, bilinmez k\u0131l\u0131nan ve bundan dolay\u0131 YOKLUK olana, VARLIK muamelesi yapmak ancak \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n insan\u0131 olmay\u0131 a\u015farak, \u00e7a\u011f yaratan insan olmay\u0131 gerektirirdi. Bu anlamda \u00d6nderli\u011fin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ok rahatl\u0131kla klasik ideolojik bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f de\u011fildi. Literat\u00fcr\u00fc \u00f6yle olsa bile klasik Marksist-Leninst ulusal kurtulu\u015f hareketine y\u00f6nelmek de\u011fildi. \u00d6nderli\u011fin ideolojik do\u011fu\u015fu, en ba\u015fta felsefik bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00c7a\u011flara damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran filozoflara yara\u015f\u0131r bir do\u011furma eylemiydi. YOKLUK-VARLIK meselesi, ideoloji ve siyasetten \u00f6nce bir felsefe konusuydu K\u00fcrt-K\u00fcrdistan ger\u00e7e\u011fi i\u00e7in. Felsefe bir \u015fey demeliydi ki, ideoloji ve siyaset onu i\u015fleyebilsin. Felsefe, maddi ko\u015fullara ald\u0131rmaks\u0131z\u0131n sadece hakikatin pe\u015finde olma, bilme, kavrama, kavramla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z iradesi olarak \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve ayd\u0131nlatma a\u015fk\u0131, tutkusu ve eylemi olarak, R\u00eaber Apo\u2019yla dile geldi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130deoloji, siyaset olgulardan yola \u00e7\u0131kar. Peki H\u0130\u00c7L\u0130K derekesinde olana dair nas\u0131l bir s\u00f6ylem, eylem yap\u0131labilirdi? Bu da ancak \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n filozoflar\u0131na, peygamberlerine, alimlerine denk bir derinlik, adanma ve do\u011furmay\u0131 gerektirirdi. Toplumun her \u015feyini k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fcyle, iyisiyle kendisinden g\u00f6rmesiyle olurdu. Nas\u0131l ki, peygambersel \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar \u00f6rne\u011fin Hz. \u0130sa, \u0131st\u0131rap \u00e7eken halk\u0131n cinsiyet, \u0131rk, inan\u00e7 fark\u0131 g\u00f6zetmeksizin kurtulu\u015funa y\u00f6neldiyse, R\u00eaber Apo da \u00f6yle y\u00f6neldi. Hz. \u0130sa, ihtiyac\u0131 olan herkese yard\u0131m elini uzatt\u0131. Tek g\u00fcc\u00fc do\u011frular\u0131na inanmas\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130nan\u00e7l\u0131 bir grupla i\u015fe koyulmas\u0131yd\u0131. Hz. \u0130sa\u2019n\u0131n eylemi, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131n\u0131n, zalimlerin, fitne-fesat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n, iktidarla i\u015fbirli\u011finde olanlar\u0131n, mal-m\u00fclk-iktidar i\u00e7in hainlik yapanlar\u0131n komplolar\u0131na, karalamalar\u0131na ald\u0131rmaks\u0131z\u0131n her f\u0131rsatta halkla, kad\u0131nlarla, gen\u00e7lerle her kesimle konu\u015fmak, anlatmak, onlardan biri olarak ya\u015famak yani d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini yaymak oldu. Halklar\u0131n bilgelik, erdem, ahlak y\u00fckl\u00fc tarihini olu\u015fturanlar ve buna \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck edenler tarihi \u015fahsiyetlerdir. \u0130nsanl\u0131k tarihi bu \u015fahsiyetlere \u00e7ok \u015fey bor\u00e7ludur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, K\u00fcrd\u00fcn ve K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fudur. Adeta, \u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcn mezardan \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131larak yeniden diriltilmesidir. \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun \u00f6nce zihnine d\u00fc\u015fen ku\u015fku tohumunun \u2018K\u00fcrt-K\u00fcrdistan vard\u0131r\u2019 inanc\u0131n\u0131n filizlenmesiyle, y\u00fcre\u011fine d\u00fc\u015fen ilk isyan ate\u015finin yanmas\u0131yla, zihninin, y\u00fcre\u011finin, ellerinin t\u00fcm varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck eylemine y\u00f6nelmesiyle ba\u015flad\u0131. \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin ilk \u00f6zelli\u011fi i\u00e7in rahatl\u0131kla, K\u00fcrt ve K\u00fcrdistan i\u00e7in \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck fikrini do\u011furmas\u0131d\u0131r diyebiliriz. Bunu parti program\u0131na kavu\u015fturmas\u0131 ve eylemini ba\u015flatmas\u0131d\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kapitalist \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n zalimlerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck fikrini yaymak, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6ze almak oldu. Kapitalist uygarl\u0131k g\u00fc\u00e7leri K\u00fcrt-K\u00fcrdistan \u00fczerindeki s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik sisteminin yarat\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 oldu\u011fundan buna kar\u015f\u0131 ancak \u00e7etin bir sava\u015fla VARLIK ispatlanabilir ve savunabilirdi. PKK\u2019nin ilan\u0131ndan bug\u00fcne de\u011fin b\u00f6ylesine hakl\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele vermekteyiz. Bu sava\u015f, \u00d6nderli\u011fin b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmesinin, b\u00fcy\u00fck y\u00fcre\u011fin sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu sava\u015f, bitmi\u015f tarihe cevap olup, tarihi yeniden, \u015fimdi olu\u015fturman\u0131n zaman\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7o\u011faltma ve umudu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme kavu\u015fturman\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00f6yle bir sava\u015f\u0131 verebilecek halk ger\u00e7e\u011fi yaratmak, halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck do\u011fu\u015fu oldu. K\u00fcrt \u015fahs\u0131nda yeni insan\u0131 yaratmak oldu. Neolitikten beri kay\u0131p insana y\u00f6neldi \u00d6nderlik. Ve \u015f\u00f6yle ifade etmektedir: \u201c\u0130nsanl\u0131k do\u011fdu\u011fu yerde k\u00f6kleri \u00fczerinde ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Ve bulunacaksa burada bulunur. Merkezi buras\u0131d\u0131r. PKK, 40 y\u0131ld\u0131r insan\u0131 ar\u0131yor. \u00d6nce kendi insan\u0131n\u0131. Ve bu insan, ilk insand\u0131r. Belki de olacaksa do\u011frusu, en son insan da o olacakt\u0131r.\u201d Bu K\u00fcrt bireyinde, halk\u0131nda ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zellik arayacaksak hem halk olacak hem de hi\u00e7 h\u00fckm\u00fcnde gizli-sakl\u0131 ya\u015fayacak, boyunduruk alt\u0131nda kar\u0131n toklu\u011funa \u00f6m\u00fcr t\u00fcketecek ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, siyasal, toplumsal varl\u0131k g\u00f6stermeyecek. B\u00f6ylesi bir hayat, derin k\u00f6lelik durumunun benzeridir. \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin yoktan var etme eylemi olarak PKK\u2019yi tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 da buradan gelmektedir. Nas\u0131l ki Yahudilerin soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 teklik anlam\u0131nda biricik say\u0131l\u0131yorsa, benzeri olmayan bir soyk\u0131r\u0131msa, K\u00fcrt bireyi \u00fczerine uygulanan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel soyk\u0131r\u0131m ve Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan bu yana \u00f6zelde yak\u0131n tarihte T\u00fcrk, Arap, Fars egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ulus-devlet katliamlar\u0131ndan ge\u00e7irilmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, biriciklik \u00f6zelli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131, hakim ulus devletlerce t\u00fcm maddi ve manevi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011ferleri \u00fczerine kurulu \u00e7arm\u0131h mekanizmas\u0131nda sistematik erimeye tabi tutulmu\u015f, toplumsal birikimleri, emekleri, yeralt\u0131 ve yer\u00fcst\u00fc zenginlik kaynaklar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bir talana u\u011frat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; geri kalan\u0131 da imhaya terk edilip i\u015fsiz b\u0131rakma, en alt d\u00fczeyde anlams\u0131z bir ya\u015fama terk edilmi\u015ftir. Ya\u015fama hakk\u0131; egemen ulus de\u011ferleriyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fti\u011fi, kendisini inkar etti\u011fi, ba\u015fkala\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 oranda kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Yani kendinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kma, kendisine yabanc\u0131la\u015fma hep dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu geli\u015ftik\u00e7e egemen ulus devletler taraf\u0131ndan kabul edilmi\u015ftir. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ulus devletlere g\u00f6re, zaten kendisi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kan K\u00fcrd\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018tehlike\u2019 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ta ki \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin PKK\u2019yi ilan\u0131na kadar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu do\u011fu\u015f, halklar\u0131n Ortado\u011fu demokratik devriminin do\u011fu\u015fudur<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6n\u00fcnde tek yol b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ya hakim ulus devletlerinin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi olarak i\u00e7lerinde erimek, da\u011f\u0131lmak, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmek, belki bir \u015fark\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kalmak, bazen de \u015eengal, Rojava, Bakur, Rojhilat ve Ba\u015f\u00fbr\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi fiziki katliamlara maruz kalmakt\u0131r. B\u00f6ylesine bir trajediyi de\u011fi\u015ftirecek olan, halk\u0131n kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 vermesidir. Bu da PKK\u2019yle sa\u011fland\u0131. Bundan b\u00f6yle \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck do\u011fu\u015funu 40 y\u0131ld\u0131r ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f bir halk ger\u00e7e\u011finin, kapitalist \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n vah\u015fi \u00e7ark\u0131na sessiz, sedas\u0131z teslim olmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler yeniden bir d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131nda yani 3. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ile sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n \u2018\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc\u2019 i\u00e7in uluslararas\u0131 ortak projeler \u00fcretmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktalar. Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yetersiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bildi\u011fi halde \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi alternatif \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm projelerini de bo\u011fmak istemektedir. Yani \u00d6nderli\u011fimizi, \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketimizi ve sisteme teslim olmam\u0131\u015f K\u00fcrtleri tasfiye etmeyi planlamaktalar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6nderli\u011fimizin 99\u2019da geli\u015ftirmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve 2005 Newrozu\u2019yla ilan etti\u011fi Demokratik Konfederalizm projesi hem bu tasfiye, imha-inkar siyasetine cevapt\u0131r hem de halklar\u0131n birlikte \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015fam projesidir. Bu anlamda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn do\u011fu\u015fudur. Bu proje kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Demokratik-Ekolojik-Kad\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc Paradigma\u2019dan almaktad\u0131r. \u0130flas etmi\u015f kapitalist paradigmaya kar\u015f\u0131, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n sorunlar\u0131na \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc getirecek olan demokratik sosyalist paradigman\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fu, yeni bir zihniyetin do\u011fu\u015fudur. Bir zihniyet devrimidir. Zihniyetin bedenselle\u015fmesi; Demokratik Konfederalizm olup ve egemen ulus devletlerle siyasal ili\u015fkisi; Demokratik \u00d6zerkliktir. 4 Nisan, kadro ve halk\u0131 zihniyet devrimine \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131d\u0131r. Bu temelde \u00d6nderlik ger\u00e7e\u011fine kat\u0131l\u0131md\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kapitalizmin her ulusa bir devlet \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc; b\u00f6lme-par\u00e7alama-y\u00f6netme ve bunun \u00fczerinden kapitalist sistemini yerle\u015ftirme, kapitalist sermayenin ulus devlet bek\u00e7ileri alt\u0131nda g\u00fcvenlikli dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 sa\u011flama, strateji olarak uyguland\u0131. Bunun alternatifi olan sosyalizm i\u00e7in yola \u00e7\u0131kanlar bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler ad\u0131na; \u2018her ezilen ulusa kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131\u2019 ilkesi en geli\u015fmi\u015f haklar-halklar-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck-bar\u0131\u015f-adalet ad\u0131na tasavvur edildi. Konumuz devlet-iktidar do\u011fu\u015funu, sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 anlatmak olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan a\u00e7mayaca\u011f\u0131z. K\u0131saca her k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ebesi, kendisi olarak toplum ve insan kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 zorba g\u00fc\u00e7 birikimidir diyebiliriz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6nderli\u011fimizin k\u0131rk y\u0131ll\u0131k m\u00fccadelesiyle K\u00fcrtlerin varl\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fi anla\u015f\u0131lsa da \u00f6zelde son y\u0131llarda halklar\u0131n demokratik, \u00f6zg\u00fcr kurtulu\u015funun sava\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu daha iyi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu do\u011fu\u015f, halklar\u0131n Ortado\u011fu Demokratik Devriminin do\u011fu\u015fudur. Ortado\u011fu yap\u0131lanmas\u0131nda K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 stratejik bir role sahiptir. Bu sava\u015f, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu kadar halklar\u0131n birlikte \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, d\u00f6nemsel, taktiksel bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f olmay\u0131p sistemsel olarak yeni do\u011fu\u015fudur. Yeni bir zihniyettir. D\u00fcnya sistem g\u00fc\u00e7lerine tek yolun kendileri olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6sterilmi\u015ftir. Egemen, s\u00fcper g\u00fc\u00e7lerin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci dayatmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, ezilen halklar\u0131n birlikte demokratik sistemi yap\u0131land\u0131rma s\u00fcrecine girilmi\u015ftir. D\u00fcnya sistem krizinin kaosundan ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n, \u00f6nc\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fc olma yoluna girilmi\u015ftir. Politikle\u015fmi\u015f, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadeleye sahip halk olarak K\u00fcrtler, \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck rol\u00fc olarak evrensellik mi, teklik mi ikileminde bazen kalsa da, geli\u015fmeler daha erken kavray\u0131\u015fa zorlamaktad\u0131r. Halklar\u0131n demokratik, \u00f6zg\u00fcr birli\u011fine dayal\u0131 sistem, Ortado\u011fulu halklar\u0131n savunulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in vazge\u00e7ilmezdir. Egemenler ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 devletler gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de kapitalist sistemi ayakta tutan, \u00f6zde bir olan, bu anlamda tekil g\u00fc\u00e7lerdir. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde ayr\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler olmalar\u0131 yan\u0131ltmamal\u0131d\u0131r. \u015eimdi K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde verilen sava\u015f, \u00e7oktan ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131 olmay\u0131 a\u015fm\u0131\u015f, kapitalist sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 demokratik sistemi kurma m\u00fccadelesine evrilmi\u015ftir. Bu anlamda kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fckl\u00fc demokratik uygarl\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n be\u015fi\u011fi Mezopotamya\u2019dan yay\u0131lan, Ortado\u011fu halklar uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc dayatmak, k\u00fcresel d\u00fcnya sisteminin halklar lehine, yeniden \u015fekillendirme m\u00fccadelesidir. \u00d6nderlik, K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketiyle halklara umut ve ilham verdi. Yeni paradigman\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fuyla da umut ve ilham\u0131 yerli yerine oturtarak, d\u00fcnya sistemini bu kez iktidar g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin de\u011fil, eme\u011fin ger\u00e7ek sahibi olan halklar\u0131n kendi sistemlerini yap\u0131land\u0131rma s\u00fcrecini ba\u015flatt\u0131. Her halka bir paradigma olmayaca\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin Demokratik-Ekolojik-Kad\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Paradigmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131nca selamlan\u0131rken bunun b\u00f6yle bir tarihsel yap\u0131land\u0131rma oldu\u011fu, yeni yeni fark edilmeye ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ortado\u011fulu halklar, Bat\u0131l\u0131 sistem kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hareketler, g\u00fc\u00e7ler, kesimler, \u015fahsiyet ve \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler yeniyi yaratma eylemine kat\u0131lmaktalar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

R\u00eaber Apo, K\u00fcrt-K\u00fcrdistan somutunda ve Ortado\u011fu yerelinde \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz kalm\u0131\u015f sorunlar\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n, \u00e7arenin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin u\u011fra\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlar ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm projeleri, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri, perspektifleri \u00e7a\u011fa ili\u015fkindir. Demokratik Modernite \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131, in\u015faa devrimidir. R\u00eaber Apo\u2019nun \u00f6nderlik kimli\u011fi Urfa\u2019n\u0131n Halfeti il\u00e7esinin Amara k\u00f6y\u00fcnden, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n tamam\u0131na, Ortado\u011fu genelini kapsama d\u00fczeyine gelmi\u015f, d\u00fcnya insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 etkilemektedir. 4 Nisan b\u00fct\u00fcn bu anlama kavu\u015fmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcrdistan ulusal ger\u00e7e\u011fi, devrime kat\u0131lan kad\u0131nlarla \u015fekillenmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

R\u00eaber Apo, toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken, yine K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck problemini g\u00fcndemle\u015ftirirken kad\u0131n sorunu olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131. Toplumsal sorunun kayna\u011f\u0131nda kad\u0131n\u0131n derin k\u00f6leli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmak, devrime sa\u011flam ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 yapmakt\u0131. Bu K\u00fcrdistan devrimi ve Ortado\u011fu demokratik devrimine kap\u0131y\u0131 a\u00e7an bir ilk oldu. Kad\u0131n sorununu, toplumsal sorunlardan herhangi biri olarak ele almay\u0131p esas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcp olgula\u015ft\u0131rmak, ger\u00e7ek anlamda tamamen \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin ilgi, hassasiyetiyle olmu\u015ftur. Cinsiyet farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kendi ba\u015f\u0131na toplumsal sorun nedeni olamayaca\u011f\u0131na olanca a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirmi\u015ftir. Kad\u0131n; toplumsal geli\u015fim d\u00fczeyinin \u00f6zeti, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn temsilcisi, kimli\u011fi konumunda oldu\u011funu ortaya koydu. Sosyal ili\u015fkiler yo\u011funlu\u011fu olarak kad\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlendik\u00e7e cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fin kodlar\u0131 da bir bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmi\u015f oldu. Kad\u0131n \u00fczerine kurulu toplumsal cinsiyet\u00e7ilik, tek tarafl\u0131 kad\u0131n aleyhine g\u00fc\u00e7lenen, egemen erkeklik rol\u00fcn\u00fcn ele\u015ftirisiyle anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131. Ele\u015ftiriyle yetinmeyip radikal bir bi\u00e7imde K\u00fcrdistan Devrimine, K\u00fcrt erke\u011finin \u015fahs\u0131nda erkekli\u011fin sorgulanmas\u0131n\u0131 dayatt\u0131. De\u011fi\u015fimini g\u00fcndeme ald\u0131. Bunu erke\u011fin \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, yani cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fin, egemenli\u011fin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc bi\u00e7iminin, yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, cins m\u00fccadelesi olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131. T\u00fcm devrim faaliyetlerinde kad\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ideolojik iradeyle \u00f6zerk \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini ordula\u015fma, partile\u015fme, sistemle\u015fme olarak geli\u015ftirdi. Bu, kad\u0131n militanlar\u0131n ve aya\u011fa kalkm\u0131\u015f milyonlarca kad\u0131n\u0131n eme\u011fiyle, bedeliyle, cesaretiyle YJA-Star, PAJK, KJK olarak kurumla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin, erke\u011fin yarat\u0131m\u0131 olan be\u015f bin y\u0131ll\u0131k uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tarihsel-toplumsal analizi, beraberinde kad\u0131n\u0131n kaybedi\u015f tarihinin ayd\u0131nlanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Yeniden kad\u0131n uygarl\u0131k \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu t\u00fcm tarihi kan\u0131tlar\u0131yla ortaya koydu. \u0130lkel k\u00f6m\u00fcnal denen d\u00f6nemin hi\u00e7 de ilkel olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, insanl\u0131k tarihinin en k\u00f6k h\u00fccresinin toplumsall\u0131k bi\u00e7iminde var olu\u015funu bilmek, toplumsal tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmesi gerekti\u011fini ortaya koydu. Kad\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck rol\u00fcn\u00fcn en canl\u0131 tarih olarak ya\u015fanan d\u00f6nem olarak Neoliti\u011fi \u00f6nemsizle\u015ftiren tarih ve sosyoloji biliminde yepyeni tart\u0131\u015fmalar ba\u015flatarak yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koydu. Kutsall\u0131k d\u00fczeyinde kad\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fer oldu\u011fu ve yarat\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc olu\u015fturdu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011finin, nas\u0131l da erkek akl\u0131, sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 ve eylemiyle sistematik bir kar\u015f\u0131 devrimle ters y\u00fcz edildi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturdu. Kad\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm bilme tarz, y\u00f6ntem ve s\u00f6ylemlerini s\u0131k\u0131 ele\u015ftiriden ge\u00e7irerek yeniden do\u011fu\u015fun kaynaklar\u0131na kendisinin ula\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in Jineolojiyi t\u00fcm bilimlerin anas\u0131 olarak belirledi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131n, kendili\u011finden be\u015f bin y\u0131ld\u0131r k\u00f6leli\u011fi ya\u015famamaktad\u0131r. Tarih buna kad\u0131n\u0131n isyan\u0131yla \u015fahitlik etmektedir. R\u00eaber Apo, ezilen ilk ulus olarak kad\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinde hakl\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131n yetmedi\u011fini tespit ederek, ataerkil sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 Kad\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc Demokratik-Ekolojik Toplum Sisteminin in\u015fa m\u00fccadelesini \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n devrimcili\u011fi olarak belirledi. Kad\u0131na benimsetilmi\u015f, kan\u0131ksanm\u0131\u015f, normelle\u015ftirilmi\u015f cinsiyet\u00e7i rollerin egemen erkek eliyle zorla olu\u015fturuldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. Geli\u015fen erkek gericili\u011finin tepkilerini g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcslemi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

4 Nisan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, gen\u00e7lerin baharla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kar\u015f\u0131 devrim g\u00fcc\u00fc olan egemen erkek akl\u0131yla tarih sil ba\u015ftan yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, kar\u015f\u0131t \u2018de\u011ferler\u2019 ve yap\u0131lar olu\u015fturulmu\u015f, toplumsal i\u015fleyi\u015f, ya\u015fam her \u015fey erkek damgal\u0131 olup, erkek tekeline ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. \u00d6nderlik, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc erkek-zay\u0131f kad\u0131n, bilen erkek-geri kad\u0131n, her \u015feyin sahibi erkek-\u00e7ocuk do\u011furma, ev bak\u0131m i\u015fleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kad\u0131n, her \u015feyi ay\u0131planm\u0131\u015f kad\u0131n-y\u00fcceltilmi\u015f erkeklik ikileminden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Oysa biliyoruz ki, tanr\u0131\u00e7a kad\u0131n ala\u015fa\u011f\u0131 edilerek yerine erkek tanr\u0131lar ge\u00e7irilmi\u015ftir. Yani kad\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal rol\u00fc derin, sistematik bir inkara dayal\u0131 mitolojik, teolojik, ideolojik, felsefik, sosyolojik bir \u00e7arp\u0131tmaya u\u011frayarak egemen erkek zihniyet d\u00fcnyas\u0131 kendisini bask\u0131n hale getirmi\u015ftir. Ve kad\u0131na ait her\u015feyi \u00e7alarak, talan ederek… Yine kad\u0131n\u0131 soyk\u0131r\u0131mdan ge\u00e7irerek… Bu nedenle kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorunu ezilen bir halk\u0131n, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirilen bir halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorunuyla benze\u015ftir. Hele bu K\u00fcrdistan Devrimi\u2019nde bir i\u00e7 i\u00e7eli\u011fi bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r. Erkek egemen sisteme kar\u015f\u0131, kad\u0131n eksenli yeni bir toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131, sistemle\u015fmesi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kendisini olduk\u00e7a etkili dayatmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcrdistan Devrimi\u2019nde daha ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6nemli rol oynamaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00d6nderli\u011fimiz fark etmi\u015f ve buna en y\u00fcksek de\u011feri vermi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrdistan ulusal ger\u00e7e\u011fi, devrime kat\u0131lan kad\u0131nlarla \u015fekillenmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kad\u0131n geli\u015ftik\u00e7e K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n, toplumunun de\u011fi\u015fim ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc de sa\u011flanabilmi\u015ftir. Halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n sorunlar\u0131 ve kurtulu\u015f yollar\u0131 ile kad\u0131n sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm ve kurtulu\u015f yollar\u0131 i\u00e7 i\u00e7e y\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne stratejik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla olmu\u015ftur. Kad\u0131nlar bu anlamda \u00d6nderli\u011fimizle hayat bulmu\u015ftur. Do\u011fmak, d\u00fcnyaya gelmek var olmaksa, kad\u0131nlar \u00f6zg\u00fcr kimlikle, iradeyle, rolleriyle, etkileriyle, \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fckleriyle bir devrimin kaderini tayin edecek kadar \u00f6nemli bir d\u00fczey yakalayarak varl\u0131k kazanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Toplumun en alt katman\u0131ndaki kad\u0131n\u0131n fiziki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir anlam ifade etmedi\u011finden toplumsal rol sahibi olmalar\u0131yla varl\u0131k kazanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Var olmak, ya\u015fam\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015famak, \u015fekillendirmektir. \u00d6nderli\u011fimiz bunu en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u2018Xweb\u00fbn\u2019 kavram\u0131yla tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6nderli\u011fimizle ideolojik do\u011fu\u015funu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015f kad\u0131nlar, \u015fimdi de Demokratik Moderniteyi in\u015faa ederek, savunarak, kad\u0131n \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015flatma zaman\u0131na soyunmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu geli\u015fmeler elbette tek ba\u015f\u0131na felsefeyle olmad\u0131. \u00d6nderli\u011fimizin felsefik bak\u0131\u015ftaki do\u011frulu\u011fu, ideolojik tahlildeki kapsay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, programatik derinli\u011fi, stratejik netli\u011fi, taktik yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 onu ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, halklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck do\u011fu\u015funu m\u00fcjdeleyen 4 Nisan\u2019\u0131, R\u00eaber Apo\u2019yla \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015fam temelinde kutlar\u0131z. 4 Nisan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, gen\u00e7lerin baharla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Her 4 Nisan\u2019da a\u011fa\u00e7land\u0131rma ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi k\u00f6klerimizi topra\u011fa g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc salmad\u0131r. Tanr\u0131\u00e7a kutsall\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki \u00f6z yurdumuza y\u00f6nelik her sald\u0131r\u0131ya misliyle \u00f6zsavunma temelinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verme, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ulus devletlerin ekolojik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 topra\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131, suyumuzu, havam\u0131z\u0131 koruma bilincini ve eylemini t\u00fcm toplumda geli\u015ftirme herkesin sorumlulu\u011fudur. 4 Nisan ekolojik sorumlulu\u011fa davettir. 4 Nisan ayn\u0131 zamanda ekolojik-ekonomiye y\u00f6nelmedir. 4 Nisan egemen ulus devletlerin ekolojik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 durdurman\u0131n toplumsal ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131 start\u0131d\u0131r. Do\u011fal ya\u015fam\u0131 koruman\u0131n ve ya\u015fama sahip \u00e7\u0131kman\u0131n karar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ronahi SERHED\/Serxweb\u00fbn<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201c4 Nisan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, gen\u00e7lerin baharla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Her 4 Nisan\u2019da a\u011fa\u00e7land\u0131rma ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi k\u00f6klerimizi topra\u011fa g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc salmad\u0131r. Tanr\u0131\u00e7a kutsall\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki \u00f6z yurdumuza y\u00f6nelik her sald\u0131r\u0131ya misliyle \u00f6zsavunma temelinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verme, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ulus-devletlerin ekolojik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 topra\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131, suyumuzu, havam\u0131z\u0131 koruma bilincini ve eylemini t\u00fcm toplumda geli\u015ftirme herkesin sorumlulu\u011fudur. 4 Nisan ekolojik sorumlulu\u011fa davettir. Do\u011fal ya\u015fam\u0131 koruman\u0131n ve ya\u015fama […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":12629,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"subtitle":"","format":"standard","video":"","gallery":"","source_name":"","source_url":"","via_name":"","via_url":"","override":[{"single_blog_custom":"","sidebar":"","second_sidebar":"","share_position":"","share_float_style":"","post_date_format":"","post_date_format_custom":"","post_reading_time_wpm":"","zoom_button_out_step":"1","zoom_button_in_step":"1","number_popup_post":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"","single_post_gallery_size":""}],"trending_post_position":"","trending_post_label":"","sponsored_post_label":"","sponsored_post_name":"","sponsored_post_url":"","sponsored_post_logo":"","sponsored_post_desc":""},"jnews_primary_category":{"id":""},"jnews_social_meta":{"fb_title":"","fb_description":"","fb_image":"","twitter_title":"","twitter_description":"","twitter_image":""},"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-12628","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makaleler"],"acf":[],"post_mailing_queue_ids":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12628","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/23"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12628"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12628\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12631,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12628\/revisions\/12631"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12629"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12628"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12628"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12628"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}