Tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7ler incelenirken baz\u0131 temel do\u011frular\u0131n s\u00fcrekli ak\u0131lda tutulmas\u0131 hayatidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ilkelerden olu\u015fan kuramsal bak\u0131\u015f olmaks\u0131z\u0131n tarihin anlamland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Kuramsal \u00e7er\u00e7eve olmaks\u0131z\u0131n tarihsel neden sonu\u00e7 ili\u015fkisini kurmak \u00e7ok zordur. Nitekim klasik pozitivist tarih bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 tarihi bu \u015fekilde bir olaylar silsilesi \u015feklinde ele almakta ve bu nedenle sadece tarihsel ki\u015filere ve olaylara odaklanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tarihte kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma y\u00f6nteminin de ancak bu kuramsal ilkeler \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yap\u0131labilece\u011fini vurgulamam\u0131z gerekir. Yoksa var olup nihayete eren tarihsel olgular do\u011fa bilimlerindeki gibi k\u0131yaslanamaz. Bu \u00e7ok kaba bir bak\u0131\u015ftan \u00f6te mana \u00fcretmeyen bir \u00e7aba olacakt\u0131r. Bu nedenle tarihin toplumun \u015fekillenme zaman\u0131 olarak ele almak ve tarihsel birikimin evrensel bir toplumsall\u0131k \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde g\u00f6rmek gerekir. \u00d6nderlik bu genel \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi \u201cdevlet\u00e7i uygarl\u0131k\u201d-\u201cdemokratik uygarl\u0131k\u201d diyalekti\u011fi ile kurmaktad\u0131r. Biz de kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 bu genel kuram \u00fczerinden yapabiliriz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tarih birbirinden kopuk olaylar \u015feklinde ilerlemez. Bu nedenle tarihsel s\u00fcrecin hi\u00e7bir d\u00f6nemi veya tarihsel hi\u00e7bir olgu anlam kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131sal zeminden kopar\u0131larak ele al\u0131namaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
FA\u015e\u0130ZM\u0130N 20. Y\u00dcZYILIN BA\u015eINDAN \u0130T\u0130BAREN KAZANDI\u011eI FORM<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Fa\u015fizm prati\u011finin ilk \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc olarak \u0130ttihat ve Terakki\u2019nin al\u0131nmas\u0131 hem fa\u015fizm evrimini anlamada hem de bu partini \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilen T.C. sistemini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemede olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemlidir. Zaten \u00f6zg\u00fcn olarak TC\u2019nin devlet olarak tarihi fa\u015fizmin nas\u0131l bi\u00e7im de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir. Bunun da \u00f6tesinde fa\u015fizmin 20. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 formlar\u0131 daha iyi alg\u0131lamak i\u00e7in \u0130T\u2019nin misyonunu g\u00f6rmezden gelmemek gerekir. DA\u0130\u015e ve Nazi partisinin ele alaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ilk benzer nitelikleri de \u0130T\u2019den olduk\u00e7a etkilenmi\u015f olmalar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130T\u2019nin kapitalist d\u00fcnya sisteminin yar\u0131 \u00e7evre bir b\u00f6lgesinde kurdu\u011fu d\u00f6nemsel bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ulus devlet sisteminin fa\u015fizm gibi yap\u0131sal niteli\u011finde \u00f6nemli bir a\u015fama oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131 genel bir bak\u0131\u015fla abart\u0131l\u0131 gelebilir. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde \u0130T\u2019nin kendini feshinden biri 15 y\u0131l sonra Almanya\u2019da iktidara gelen, di\u011feri 96 y\u0131l sonra Ortado\u011fu\u2019da devletle\u015fen iki \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin atas\u0131 \u015feklinde de\u011ferlendirmek zorlama bir yorum olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130T\u2019nin on y\u0131l\u0131k(1908-1918) iktidar prati\u011fi T\u00fcrkiye tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok ciddi sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furdu\u011fu ne kadar kesinse k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeyde bask\u0131n bir etki yaratmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 o kadar do\u011frudur. Fakat bu somut durum bu prati\u011fin temel baz\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. Bu parti sistemin insanl\u0131k d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerini pervas\u0131zca sergileyerek fa\u015fizan zihniyetin ilk \u00f6rneklerinden biri olmu\u015ftur. \u0130T ayn\u0131 zamanda ulus devlete i\u00e7kin olan bu nitelikleri anlamada \u00f6nemli olanaklar da sunar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130T kapitalist modernite zihniyeti ile yeti\u015ftirilmi\u015f asker sivil b\u00fcrokrasinin devleti kurtarma gerek\u00e7esine s\u0131\u011f\u0131narak kurdu\u011fu bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlemedir. Herhangi bir toplumsal tabana dayanmayan ve dayanmak istedi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131(Milli Burjuvazi) da zorla yaratmay\u0131 hedefleyen bir yap\u0131lanmad\u0131r. Bu kli\u011fin iktidar\u0131 fa\u015fizmin en geri \u00f6zelliklerini sergileyecektir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 tekrarlamak gerekirse TC tarihi boyunca s\u00fcrecektir ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de AKP-MHP fa\u015fizminde g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130T\u2019nin bu iki olu\u015fumu pratik olarak nas\u0131l etkiledi\u011fini ele alarak bu benzerli\u011fi daha somut hale getirebiliriz. Nazi Partisi\u2019nden ba\u015flarsak ilk ifade etmemiz gereken \u0130T\u2019nin do\u011frudan etkilerinin bu olu\u015fumda daha kolayl\u0131kla g\u00f6rebildi\u011fimizdir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 boyunca Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n m\u00fcttefik olmas\u0131 Alman militarizminin \u00fcyelerinin \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131larla beraber hareket etmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ki\u015filerin baz\u0131lar ileride do\u011frudan Nazi Partisinde yer alacaklard\u0131r. Bu durum Alman fa\u015fistlerin \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 su\u00e7lardaki pay\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermekle kalmaz ayr\u0131ca \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lardan etkilenmeyi de g\u00f6sterir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sadece verili \u00fclke ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmay\u0131p ba\u015fka topraklara yay\u0131lma iste\u011finin ate\u015fledi\u011fi sald\u0131rganl\u0131k Nazi Partisindeki \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 esintilerin bir di\u011fer yan\u0131d\u0131r. Bu sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n t\u00fcm milliyet\u00e7iliklerde a\u00e7\u0131k veya \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011frudur. Fakat fa\u015fist zihniyette sald\u0131rganl\u0131k merkezi bir konumdad\u0131r ve me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ana g\u00f6vdesini olu\u015fturur. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan T\u00fcrklerin ya\u015fam alan\u0131 olarak mitle\u015ftirilen ve Asya\u2019n\u0131n neredeyse t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc i\u00e7ine alan \u201cTuran\u201d \u00fclkesi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Nazizm\u2019deki Alman halk\u0131n\u0131n \u201cHayat Sahas\u0131\u201d(Lebensraum) kavram\u0131 ile benzerli\u011fi barizdir. \u0130ki fa\u015fizmde ba\u015fka halklar\u0131n topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal etmeyi ve bu halklar\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 bir \u00f6l\u00fcm kal\u0131m meselesi olarak ele almaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrklerin d\u00fcnya egemenli\u011fi \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn simgesi \u201cK\u0131z\u0131l Elma\u201d ile Nazizm\u2019in bin y\u0131l s\u00fcrecek imparatorluk, 3. Reich (Tausendj\u00e4hriges Reich ve Drittes Reich) imgesinin benzerli\u011fi de dikkat \u00e7ekicidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130T\u2019nin sosyal Darwinci ve korporatizmi esas alan Frans\u0131z sosyologlardan esintili bir toplum analizi oldu\u011fu bilinmektedir. G\u00fcc\u00fc ya\u015fam\u0131n temel dinami\u011fi olarak kutsayan bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n Alman Nazizmine g\u00f6re \u00e7ok yavan oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r fakat bu etkile\u015fimin bir par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 da bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce olu\u015fturur. Toplumun homojenle\u015ftirilmesi \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 zihniyetin temel motifidir. Bu temelde 1915\u2019de g\u00fcndeme gelen Ermeni-S\u00fcryani soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerin yok say\u0131lmas\u0131yla devam edecektir. Tek tiple\u015ftirme ulus devletin \u00e7ekirde\u011finde yer alsa da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 m\u00fcdahalenin ilk \u00f6rne\u011fi olan bu pratik Nazi Partisine \u00f6rnek olacakt\u0131r. Yahudi soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u00f6ncesi Hitler\u2019e atfedilerek aktar\u0131lan \u201cBug\u00fcn Ermenileri kim hat\u0131rl\u0131yor\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc bu etkinin en somut g\u00f6stergesi olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
AKP DA\u0130\u015e\u2019\u0130N HEM Z\u0130H\u0130NSEL HEM DE PRAT\u0130K KAYNA\u011eI<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 fa\u015fizmin DA\u0130\u015e\u2019e yans\u0131malar\u0131 ise aradan ge\u00e7en 96 y\u0131la kar\u015f\u0131n olduk\u00e7a g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu yans\u0131man\u0131n ilk y\u00f6n\u00fc ku\u015fkusuz DA\u0130\u015e\u2019in AKP fa\u015fist zihniyeti ile hareket etmesinden g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde AKP\u2019nin DA\u0130\u015e\u2019in hem zihinsel hem de pratik kayna\u011f\u0131 oldu\u011fu asl\u0131nda herkesin bildi\u011fi bir s\u0131r durumundad\u0131r. AKP ve DA\u0130\u015e ili\u015fkisini salt destek verme, paravan olarak kullanma ba\u011flam\u0131nda ele almak y\u00fczeysel bir yakla\u015f\u0131m olur. AKP, DA\u0130\u015e ve cihadist t\u00fcrevlerinin zihinsel kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. 12 Eyl\u00fcl ile birlikte ABD\u2019nin Ye\u015fil Ku\u015fak projesi kapsam\u0131nda haz\u0131rlanan AKP\u2019nin devlet\u00e7i \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki demokrasi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 engellemek i\u00e7in kullanma i\u015flevi belirgin niteliklerinden biridir. Bir d\u00f6nem \u201cIl\u0131ml\u0131 \u0130slam\u201d gibi adland\u0131rmalarla da ele al\u0131nsa da bile esas\u0131 kapitalist modernitenin Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya tam anlam\u0131yla h\u00e2kim olma \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan bu hareketin maneviyat vurgusu makyajdan \u00f6te bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131maz. Kald\u0131 ki AKP\u2019nin MHP ile girdi\u011fi fa\u015fist ittifak \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde dini motiflere daha az vurgu yapmas\u0131 da onun \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirmez. AKP-MHP fa\u015fist ittifak\u0131n\u0131n Ye\u015fil T\u00fcrk fa\u015fizmi ve Kara T\u00fcrk fa\u015fizminin tarihsel ittifak\u0131 oldu\u011fu hat\u0131rda tutulmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu iki fa\u015fist e\u011filimin anas\u0131 \u0130ttihat ve Terakkidir. Bu nedenle AKP-MHP birlikteli\u011fini g\u00fcncellenmi\u015f \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k olarak ele almak gerekir. DA\u0130\u015e\u2019i \u0130T\u2019ye ba\u011flayan temel s\u00fctunda AKP ile ili\u015fkisidir. Ayn\u0131 zihniyet, ayn\u0131 ak\u0131l bu olu\u015fumlar\u0131 bi\u00e7imlendirmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu \u00e7er\u00e7eveden bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda DA\u0130\u015e\u2019in K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n her \u00e7e\u015fidinde esast\u0131r ve DA\u0130\u015e\u2019te de yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 bulmu\u015ftur. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn her yerde K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na sald\u0131rmas\u0131 sadece onun stratejik planlamalar\u0131yla ya da AKP\u2019nin y\u00f6nlendirmesinden kaynaklanmamaktad\u0131r. Ku\u015fkusuz hegemonik g\u00fc\u00e7lerinde Rojava\u2019da filizlenen devrim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini bo\u011fmak istemesi de bu sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n bir etkenidir. Fakat bu ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrk fa\u015fizminin \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndaki K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla da ili\u015fkilidir. DA\u0130\u015e fa\u015fizmin t\u00fcm g\u00fcc\u00fcyle K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n her par\u00e7as\u0131na sald\u0131rmas\u0131 bu d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n eseridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
DA\u0130\u015e\u2019in soyk\u0131r\u0131m prati\u011fi her \u015feyden \u00f6nce \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n 1915\u2019ini an\u0131msatmaktad\u0131r. Ki\u015finin boynuna k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7 dayay\u0131p din de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye zorlamak 1915 soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n temel motifidir ve y\u00fcz y\u0131l sonra DA\u0130\u015e taraf\u0131ndan tekrarlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Topluma vah\u015fice kad\u0131n \u015fahs\u0131nda sald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 da eril devlet\u00e7i sistemin her noktas\u0131na sinmi\u015f olsa da bu pratiklerde en u\u00e7 noktas\u0131na varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1915\u2019te sadece Ermeni halk\u0131 de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda S\u00fcryani halk\u0131 da k\u0131r\u0131ma u\u011frat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve \u00f6zellikle Kuzey K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki Ezidi K\u00fcrtler \u00fczerindeki yo\u011fun bask\u0131 da bu tarihte yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Akabinde TC\u2019de Kuzey K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc temsil eden Ezidi n\u00fcfusu ad\u0131m ad\u0131m t\u00fcketecektir. DA\u0130\u015e\u2019in \u00f6ncelikle \u015eengal\u2019e y\u00f6nelmi\u015f olmas\u0131 da bu bak\u0131mdan kesinlikle tesad\u00fcf olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130T\u2019nin \u00fcmmet\u00e7ilik s\u00f6yleminden uzak durmas\u0131 onun zihniyetinde devlet\u00e7i \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n yeri olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. Aksine T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 s\u00fcrekli ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcm bu fakt\u00f6rler g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u0130T\u2019nin hem Nazi partisine hem de DA\u0130\u015e\u2019e hem pratik uygulama hem de zihniyet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kaynakl\u0131k etti\u011fini ifade edebiliriz. Bu iki fa\u015fist ak\u0131m i\u00e7in ara\u015ft\u0131raca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z di\u011fer benzer yanlar\u0131nda \u00e7o\u011funlukla \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131larda da oldu\u011funu ekleyebiliriz, keza modernizm t\u00fcm bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131 kapsayan ortak \u015femsiyedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Leyla EG\u0130T<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7ler incelenirken baz\u0131 temel do\u011frular\u0131n s\u00fcrekli ak\u0131lda tutulmas\u0131 hayatidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ilkelerden olu\u015fan kuramsal bak\u0131\u015f olmaks\u0131z\u0131n tarihin anlamland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Kuramsal \u00e7er\u00e7eve olmaks\u0131z\u0131n tarihsel neden sonu\u00e7 ili\u015fkisini kurmak \u00e7ok zordur. Nitekim klasik pozitivist tarih bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 tarihi bu \u015fekilde bir olaylar silsilesi \u015feklinde ele almakta ve bu nedenle sadece tarihsel ki\u015filere ve olaylara odaklanmaktad\u0131r. Tarihte […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":13308,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"subtitle":"","format":"standard","video":"","gallery":"","source_name":"","source_url":"","via_name":"","via_url":"","override":[{"single_blog_custom":"","sidebar":"","second_sidebar":"","share_position":"","share_float_style":"","post_date_format":"","post_date_format_custom":"","post_reading_time_wpm":"","zoom_button_out_step":"1","zoom_button_in_step":"1","number_popup_post":"1"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"","single_post_gallery_size":""}],"trending_post_position":"","trending_post_label":"","sponsored_post_label":"","sponsored_post_name":"","sponsored_post_url":"","sponsored_post_logo":"","sponsored_post_desc":""},"jnews_primary_category":{"id":""},"jnews_social_meta":{"fb_title":"","fb_description":"","fb_image":"","twitter_title":"","twitter_description":"","twitter_image":""},"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[3213,3052,3405],"class_list":["post-13307","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politik-analiz","tag-akp-mhp-fasizmi","tag-dais-2","tag-ittihat-terakki-fasizmi"],"acf":[],"post_mailing_queue_ids":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13307","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/23"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13307"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13307\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13309,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13307\/revisions\/13309"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/13308"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13307"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13307"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/ku\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13307"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}