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\u0130slam\u2019da Devlet ve Laiklik<\/strong><\/p>\n \u0130slam\u2019da devlet ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurallar\u0131 dinsel niteliktedir. Bu \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 uygulamak, ibadeti sa\u011flamak, adaleti \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6re, tanr\u0131 ki\u015filerin kendisine olan Kaderci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f, \u0130slam toplumunun dinamizmini yok etmi\u015f, Geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k ekonomik bir yap\u0131d\u0131r ve Bat\u0131n\u0131n, geri Do\u011fu\u2019da kapitalistle\u015fmeye engel \u00f6\u011feler, Bat\u0131\u2019daki geli\u015fimin Ger\u00e7ekte \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri, \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n geri Din, de\u011fi\u015fik ko\u015fullarda, olumlu ya da olumsuz y\u00f6nde etkin Osmanl\u0131\u2019da Laiklik<\/p>\n Osmanl\u0131 imparatorlu\u011funu kuran Osmano\u011fullar\u0131, devlet Geleneksel devlet sistemi mutlak ve teokratik ya da yar\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 devlet ve iktidar yap\u0131s\u0131nda, Saltanat kurumu Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n Do\u011fu\u015fu ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Siyasal \u0130slam<\/p>\n Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n do\u011fu\u015funun temel nedenlerinden\u00a0 <\/span>belki de en\u00a0 1830\u2019larda ba\u015flayan ve 1910\u2019lara kadar s\u00fcren aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n Cumhuriyet D\u00f6neminde Siyasal \u0130slam<\/p>\n 1923\u2019te Cumhuriyeti ilan eden ittihat\u00e7\u0131 kadro, toplumun 1923-1946\/50 \u2018Ebedi \u015eef ve Milli \u015eef\u2019 diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00f6neminde Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n son y\u0131llarda y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de son Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi son y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrk siyasal T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u2018\u00e7ok partili ya\u015fama\u2019 ge\u00e7ildikten sonra \u0130slamc\u0131 MNP kuruluncaya kadar \u0130slamc\u0131 \u00e7evrelerin giri\u015fti\u011fi bir di\u011fer Milli Nizam Partisi<\/p>\n 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayi burjuvazisi ile k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck 26 Ocak 1970\u2019te kurulan MNP, Anayasa Mahkemesinin 20 May\u0131s Milli Selamet Partisi<\/p>\n Anayasa Mahkemesi karar\u0131yla MNP\u2019nin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 sonras\u0131nda 14 Ekim 1973 se\u00e7imleri tek partinin iktidar\u0131n\u0131 imkans\u0131z Refah Partisi ve Sonras\u0131<\/p>\n Darbeyi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren Kenan Evren, darbe sonras\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn 1983 y\u0131l\u0131nda kurulan Refah partisinin se\u00e7imlere girmesine 1987\u2019de yap\u0131lan referandumla siyaset yasa\u011f\u0131 kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve 1994 yerel se\u00e7imleri Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n zaferi oldu. 28 ilin 12 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019den sonra da RP, \u0130slam dinini ana politikas\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015f Bu geli\u015fmeler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Yarg\u0131tay C. Ba\u015fsavc\u0131s\u0131 Refah Partisi \u00a0<\/p>\n Ali R\u0131zgar <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n K\u00fcrdistan www.lekolin.org \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n \t<\/p>\n
\nkurallar her zaman, her yerde ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ko\u015fullarda y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen ve
\nkayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Tanr\u0131\u2019n\u0131n iradesinde bulan ilkelerdir. Ger\u00e7ekte, \u0130slam belirli bir
\ndevlet t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcp kabullenmemi\u015ftir. Zamana, yere ve ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re
\nolu\u015fturulacak bir siyasal d\u00fczen, belirtilen ilkelere dayanan herhangi bir
\nbi\u00e7imde olabilir. Kabul edilen \u2018insanlar\u0131n maslahatlar\u0131\u2019, bulunduklar\u0131 toplumun
\nzaman ve \u2018ahvalinin de\u011fi\u015fmesine\u2019 ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r ilkesi, belirli bir siyasal bi\u00e7imin
\nde\u011fi\u015fmez bir bi\u00e7imde kabul edilmesini engellememektedir. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n, siyasal
\niktidar bi\u00e7imleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan temel ve de\u011fi\u015fmez ilkesi, toplumsal ve siyasal
\nd\u00fczenle ilgili t\u00fcm kurallar\u0131 Tanr\u0131\u2019n\u0131n saptad\u0131\u011f\u0131 inanc\u0131d\u0131r. Tanr\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kurallar\u0131
\nda Kuran\u2019da yer almakta ve bu as\u0131l yasa d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ki\u015filerin kural ve yasa koyma
\nyetkileri yoktur. \u2018Te\u015frii\u2019 ger\u00e7ekte yaln\u0131zca Tanr\u0131\u2019ya aittir. \u0130slam h\u00fck\u00fcmeti
\nemreder ilkesinin, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n siyasal kural\u0131 olarak kabul edilmesi, \u0130slam\u2019da
\ndevlet yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kesinlikle teokratik oldu\u011fu sonucuna var\u0131lmas\u0131na neden
\nolmu\u015ftur. Buna g\u00f6re, teokrasi devletin dini devlet olmas\u0131 ve y\u00f6netenlerin
\niktidarlar\u0131n\u0131 tanr\u0131dan almalar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Herkes yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc imar ve \u0131slah
\netmede tanr\u0131n\u0131n halifesidir. Tanr\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmlerinin yerine getirilmesinin kayna\u011f\u0131
\nda halkt\u0131r. Tanr\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc iktidar sahibi ki\u015fi ya da ki\u015filer
\nkabul edilmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in, \u0130slam devletinin teokratik niteli\u011fi H\u0131ristiyan
\nteokrasisinden farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Tanr\u0131 ve Resul\u00fc ile halk aras\u0131nda misak (s\u00f6zle\u015fme)
\ns\u00f6z konusudur. Kur\u2019an da s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen ahdi ve akdi durumu, misak\u0131 dile
\ngetirmektedir. Misak tek tarafl\u0131d\u0131r, taraflar\u0131n\u0131 ve ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 tanr\u0131 belirler.
\nMisak, \u0130slam \u00fcmmetinin ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu dinsel nitelikteki siyasal iktidar\u0131n
\nkayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131, yasall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini ifade eder. <\/p>\n
\nger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek, dinsizli\u011fi cezaland\u0131rmak mal, can ve namus g\u00fcvenli\u011fini
\nsa\u011flamak ve cihat a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in devletin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 zorunludur ve egemenli\u011fin sahibi
\nTanr\u0131\u2019d\u0131r. Tanr\u0131 egemenli\u011fi Kur\u2019anda m\u00fclk olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n
\nmetafizik kulluk ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, onlara ak\u0131l-irade-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve
\ndokunulmazl\u0131k vermi\u015ftir. Ki\u015finin ak\u0131l, irade, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck egemenli\u011finin kavran\u0131\u015f
\nve yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fik \u0130slam okullar\u0131na g\u00f6re farkl\u0131 farkl\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\nAk\u0131lc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 savunan \u2018Mutezile\u2019 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, ba\u011fnazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 simgeleyen, akl\u0131n ve
\niradenin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yads\u0131yan \u2018Cebriyye\u2019 okulu ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu okullar\u0131n
\n\u0130slam toplumundaki etkinli\u011fine g\u00f6re, o toplumun y\u00f6neli\u015fleri farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\nB\u00f6ylece maslahatta uygunluk, i\u00e7tihat, me\u015fveret (dan\u0131\u015fma) kurallar\u0131 unutulmu\u015f
\n\u0130slam toplumlar\u0131, kaderci, tutucu ve ba\u011fnaz bir dinsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin egemenli\u011fine
\ngirmi\u015ftir. Salt \u2018itikad\u2019 sorunlar\u0131 ile ilgilenen ve felsefeyi yads\u0131yan ilm-i
\nkelam, sorunlara iman yoluyla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aram\u0131\u015f, akl\u0131 mahkum etmi\u015ftir. \u0130bn-i R\u00fc\u015ft,
\nFarabi ve \u0130bn-i Sina gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130shak el- Kadim taraf\u0131ndan
\nkurulan felsefe okulu, toplumsal \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde \u0130lm-i kelamc\u0131lara yenik
\nd\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
\nho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fczl\u00fck, ba\u011fnazl\u0131k, dinsel kurallar\u0131n kesin ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, gelenek\u00e7ilik
\nve geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde \u0130slam toplumlar\u0131nda egemen olmu\u015ftur. Geri
\nkalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k tarihsel bir ger\u00e7ek olarak saptand\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, var\u0131lan sonu\u00e7 Do\u011fu
\ntoplumlar\u0131n\u0131n kaderi say\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve bu tarihsel noktada \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u00e7inde
\nbulundu\u011fu durum g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurularak, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n toplumsal geli\u015fime engel
\noldu\u011fu sav\u0131na var\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nkalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imsel ve teknik a\u00e7\u0131dan ele al\u0131p, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00fclkelerin geli\u015fmeleri
\ni\u00e7in M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131ktan uzakla\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 ko\u015ful saymas\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirdi\u011fi Do\u011fu\u2019yla
\nbu s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ili\u015fkilerini de\u011fi\u015fik bi\u00e7imlerde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme amac\u0131n\u0131n sonucudur. Bat\u0131
\nb\u00f6ylece, kendi uygarl\u0131k d\u00fczenini, bi\u00e7imsel ve taklit\u00e7i bir yap\u0131 i\u00e7inde Do\u011fu\u2019ya
\nkabul ettirmek ve kendisine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lmak amac\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nbenzerlerini sa\u011flayamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u2018M\u00fclk\u00fcn\u2019 tanr\u0131ya ait olu\u015fu, Do\u011fu\u2019da
\nburjuva-feodal \u00e7eli\u015fkisini engellemi\u015f ve kapitalistle\u015fmenin i\u00e7 dinamizmi
\nolu\u015fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum Do\u011fu\u2019da servet birikimi, d\u0131\u015f dinamizm ile ticaret
\nili\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu olu\u015fum i\u00e7inde servet belirli ellerde
\nbirikmi\u015f ve sermayeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme olgusu ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015ftir. Serveti ellerinde
\nbulunduranlar ise genellikle dinsel-siyasal iktidar sahipleridir. Bat\u0131 \u2013 Do\u011fu
\nili\u015fkisinde, Bat\u0131 engizisyondan burjuva durumuna ula\u015f\u0131rken, Do\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fck bir
\nuygarl\u0131ktan \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcye d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu birbirine ters geli\u015fim sonucu Bat\u0131,
\nDo\u011fu\u2019daki ekonomik egemenli\u011fini, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel egemenli\u011fiyle peki\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in,
\nsorunlar\u0131n t\u00fcm su\u00e7unu \u2018\u0130slam\u2019a y\u00fckleyip, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yolu olarak \u2018laikle\u015fme\u2019yi
\ng\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
\nkalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok \u00f6nceleri saptam\u0131\u015flar. \u00d6zellikle XVIII. y\u00fczy\u0131ldan sonra geri
\nkalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 tutsak etti\u011fi saptanm\u0131\u015f, ama \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yine dinsel
\nalanda g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Kurtulu\u015fu arayanlar \u00e7areyi \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n\u00a0 <\/span>ilk g\u00fcnlerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fte bulmu\u015flar, dinden
\nuzakla\u015fmay\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n nedeni saym\u0131\u015flar. \u2018Vahabilik\u2019 Veliyullah ak\u0131m\u0131,
\nHindistan\u2019daki anayasac\u0131l\u0131k hareketi bu konuda \u00f6rnektir. Bu ak\u0131m ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin
\nba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, \u0130slam\u2019da
\nlaikle\u015fme zorunlulu\u011funu savunmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nolabilmektedir. Dinin bu de\u011fi\u015fik etkinli\u011fi, temelde toplumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n
\n\u00f6zellikleriyle belirlenmektedir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, din olgusu \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ndan ve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n
\nko\u015fullar\u0131ndan soyutlanarak ele al\u0131namaz. Toplumlardaki dinsel etkinlik, din ile
\nsiyasal iktidar aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki, geli\u015fim kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda dinsel tutum, birer neden
\nolmay\u0131p, birer sonu\u00e7 olmaktan \u00f6teye gidemez. Laiklik ilkesini ve siyasal
\nbi\u00e7imini de bu anlay\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde g\u00f6rmek gerekir.<\/p>\n
\negemenli\u011fini elinde bulunduran bir ailedir. Devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 \u00fclke ve \u00fclkede
\nya\u015fayanlar \u00fczerinde mutlak bir egemenlik hakk\u0131na sahipti. Ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta yaln\u0131zca
\ncismani iktidara sahip olan devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131\/padi\u015fah, Yavuz Sultan Selim\u2019in
\nM\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da bulunan Abbasi halifesinden hilafeti devralmas\u0131yla ruhani bir iktidara
\nda ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nteokratik bir monar\u015fiydi. \u0130\u015fleyi\u015fi Padi\u015fah-Ulema-Yeni\u00e7eri \u00fc\u00e7geni aras\u0131ndaki
\nuyuma ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131. Gerileme d\u00f6neminde ise bu unsurlar tek tek yozla\u015fma i\u00e7indeydi.<\/p>\n
\ndevletin monar\u015fik karakterini vurgular ve iktidar\u0131n sahibi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr.
\nDevlet ayn\u0131 zamanda teokratik a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131d\u0131r. Anayasalla\u015fma hareketleri,
\npadi\u015fah\u0131n iktidar\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015fma \u00e7abalar\u0131 k\u0131smen sonu\u00e7 verse de k\u0131sa s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f, buna
\nkar\u015f\u0131n y\u00f6netimi laikle\u015ftirme \u00e7abalar\u0131 I.Me\u015frutiyetle sa\u011flanamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u2018Devletin
\ndini \u0130slam\u2019d\u0131r (md.11), padi\u015fah ayn\u0131 zamanda halife olup (md.3-4), ahkam-\u0131
\n\u015ferriye\u2019yi uygulat\u0131r (md.7), \u015feyh\u00fclislam devlet \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc i\u00e7inde ve h\u00fck\u00fcmette yer
\nalmaktad\u0131r (md.27), yasalar \u2018umur\u2019u diniye\u2019ye\u2019 din buyruklar\u0131na ayk\u0131r\u0131 olamaz
\n(md.64), \u00fclkede \u015feriyye mahkemeleri vard\u0131r ve anayasa taraf\u0131ndan tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r
\n(md.87) gibi maddeler ilk anayasada yerini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu anayasalar geli\u015fmeler
\nlaikli\u011fin geli\u015fmesini engelleyici rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\n<\/span>\u00f6nemlisi, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sanayi devrimiyle sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc h\u0131zl\u0131
\ngeli\u015fmesinin, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ileri gelenlerini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na y\u00f6neltmesidir. Kutsal
\nkitab\u0131n ilkelerinden ve kurallar\u0131ndan uzakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f olman\u0131n Bat\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geri
\nkalmaya neden oldu\u011fu sav\u0131, 1800\u2019l\u00fc y\u0131llarda birden bire \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu
\nak\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fclerinden biri de 1839\u2019da Afganistan\u2019\u0131n Kabil kentinde do\u011fan
\nCemalettin Afgani\u2019dir. Afgani 10 ya\u015f\u0131nda evi terk etti. 18 ya\u015f\u0131nda Arap\u00e7ay\u0131
\n\u00f6\u011frendi ve \u0130slam tarihi, fizik ve mant\u0131k \u00f6\u011frenimi g\u00f6rd\u00fc. \u0130ngilizceyi 1.5 y\u0131l
\nkald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Hindistan\u2019da \u00f6\u011frendi. 30 ya\u015f\u0131nda \u0130stanbul\u2019a geldi ve Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in
\nhuzuruna \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Kendisine \u2018kebir-i maarif ve enc\u00fcmen-i dani\u015f\u2019 \u00fcyeli\u011fi verildi.
\nSultan Abdulhamid\u2019in Osmanl\u0131 devletinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in, Balkanlar\u0131
\nyitirdikten sonra \u0130slam Birli\u011fi tasar\u0131m\u0131 ile Cemalettin Efgani\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri
\n\u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyordu. O da \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n kurtulu\u015funu b\u00f6ylesi bir birli\u011fin sa\u011flanmas\u0131nda
\ng\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. O y\u00fczden \u2018Panislamizm\u2019 Osmanl\u0131 devletinin de resmi ideolojisine
\nd\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmekte gecikmedi.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
\n\u00f6z\u00fcnde bir ger\u00e7e\u011fin alt\u0131 \u00e7izilmekteydi. \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131 geri kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Siyasal
\n\u0130slam\u2019\u0131n kurucular\u0131ndan ve eylem planlar\u0131n\u0131n haz\u0131rlay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olan Seyyid Kutub bu
\nd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye kat\u0131lmakla birlikte, kesin tav\u0131r alman\u0131n zaman\u0131n\u0131n geldi\u011fini de
\na\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a belirtmektedir. \u0130nsanlar\u0131n yeniden \u0130slam\u2019a \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini ileri
\ns\u00fcrmekteydi.<\/p>\n
\ntemeline dokunmad\u0131. Toplumsal yap\u0131da bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, toplumun temelini sarsacak
\nbir toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm yaratacak \u2018g\u00fcce ve potansiyele\u2019 sahip de\u011fildi.
\nDolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u00e7i bo\u015f ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir modernite s\u00f6ylemine dayanarak y\u00f6netemeyecekti.
\n\u00d6yle olunca da zay\u0131f, k\u0131r\u0131lgan ve inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir resmi ideoloji
\n\u00fcretmeye zorlanacakt\u0131. Fakat resmi ideolojinin kitlelerin bilincine n\u00fcfuz edip
\nyan\u0131lsama yaratma g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00e7ok zay\u0131f oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, iktidar olabilmeleri ve iktidarda
\nkalabilmeleri geleneksel ideoloji olan dinin yard\u0131m ve deste\u011fiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fc. Bu
\nama\u00e7la din bir iktidar arac\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131, ihtiyaca g\u00f6re de manip\u00fcle
\nedildi. \u0130slamc\u0131lar politik etkinlik sa\u011flamak istediklerinde rejim taraf\u0131ndan
\nbast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131lar. Ama rejimle \u2018uyumlu\u2019 olma yolunu se\u00e7tiklerinde de
\n\u00f6d\u00fcllendirildiler. Rejimin kendini zay\u0131f hissetti\u011fi 1920\u2019li ve 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llarda
\ndin bir tehlike olarak sunuldu ve bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. 1960\u2019l\u0131 ve 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda sol
\nhareketlerin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesmek \u00fczere kullan\u0131ld\u0131. 1980 sonras\u0131nda din yeni d\u00f6nemin
\nihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda (T\u00fcrk-\u0130slam sentezi) yeni bir i\u015fleve ko\u015fuldu ve
\ny\u00fckselen K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hareketine kar\u015f\u0131 kullan\u0131ld\u0131 (bu konudaki Hizbullah
\n\u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcne yakla\u015f\u0131m). Bu y\u00fczden Kemalist rejimin dine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 her zaman
\nikircikli ve \u00e7eli\u015fkiliydi. Rejim dozunu kendi ayarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u2018dinci gericili\u011fe\u2019
\nihtiya\u00e7 duydu. Hem din i\u015fe kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 hem de dinin etkinli\u011fi art\u0131nca \u2018irtica
\nhortlad\u0131\u2019 s\u00f6ylemi dillendirildi.<\/p>\n
\nrejimin dine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bast\u0131rma\/\u00f6d\u00fcllendirme \u015feklindeydi. Dini kesimden rejime
\nmuhalefet edenler \u015fiddetle ezilirken, rejimle iyi ge\u00e7inme tercihi yapanlar
\n\u00f6d\u00fcllendirilirdi. Mustafa Kemal taraf\u0131ndan mebuslu\u011fa (milletvekilli\u011fi) tayin
\nedilen \u015feyhlerin say\u0131s\u0131 az de\u011fildir. Halk kitlelerinin iradesinin s\u00fcrece dahil
\nedilmedi\u011fi tek parti diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00f6neminde \u0130slamc\u0131 muhalefet bir varl\u0131k
\ng\u00f6steremedi. Osmanl\u0131 yenilik\u00e7i hareketleriyle (Nizam-\u0131 cedid) ba\u015flayan d\u00f6nemde
\nimparatorlu\u011fun yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015fmesinin derinle\u015fmesiyle, kitlelerin ya\u015fam
\nko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n daha da k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fmesi, halk kitlelerinde bir memnuniyetsizlik ortaya
\n\u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve Osmanl\u0131 merkezi b\u00fcrokrasisi i\u00e7indeki bir kesim de duruma g\u00f6re bu
\nmemnuniyetsizli\u011fi kullanarak mu\u011flak bir iktidar m\u00fccadelesi y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyordu.
\n\u2018Yenilik\u00e7i\u2019 Osmanl\u0131 eliti, halktaki bu tepkiyi irtica olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcp bast\u0131r\u0131rken,
\nkendisini de ilericili\u011fin timsali olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Oysa ne halk tepkisi
\n\u2018irtica\u2019 olarak nitelendirilebilirdi, ne de \u2018yenilik\u00e7i\u2019 Osmanl\u0131 elitinin
\nilericilikle bir ilgisi vard\u0131. Sorun tamamen bir iktidar m\u00fccadelesiydi. 1946\/50
\nd\u00f6neminde \u2018\u00e7ok partili sisteme\u2019 ge\u00e7ilince durum de\u011fi\u015fti. Siyasi partiler oy
\nalmak i\u00e7in dine ve dincilere tavizler vermek zorunda kald\u0131lar. Bu ama\u00e7la da
\ntarikat liderleriyle pazarl\u0131\u011fa giri\u015ftiler. Oy alman\u0131n yolu tarikat reislerinden
\nge\u00e7iyordu. \u015eimdilerde tam bir sosyal-ekolojik-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel y\u0131k\u0131m tablosu ortaya
\n\u00e7\u0131karan neoliberal ideoloji, 1945 sonras\u0131nda \u2018\u00fcretildi\u2019 ama pratik politikaya
\nterc\u00fcme edilmesi 1980\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu. Kapitalizmin \u2018yap\u0131sal krizi\u2019
\nve sol muhalefetin zaaf\u0131, neoliberal tezlerin uygulanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u2018elveri\u015fli\u2019 bir
\nortam olu\u015fturdu. Siyasal \u0130slam i\u00e7in de benzer bir durum s\u00f6z konusudur. Modern
\nSiyasal \u0130slam (politik \u0130slam) \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011finin hizmetindeki
\noryantalistlerin (\u015farkiyat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n) bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u0130ngiliz oryantalistleri
\n\u0130slam\u2019da, H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131kta oldu\u011fu gibi devletin dinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn
\nolmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vaaz etmi\u015flerdi. Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n\u00a0
\n<\/span>kurucu babalar\u0131ndan biri olan g\u00fcney Hindistanl\u0131 \u015eeyh El Mawdudi
\n(1903-1979) taraf\u0131ndan geli\u015ftirilen tezler, oryantalistlerin tezleriydi ve
\nHindistan\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesinin gerek\u00e7esi yap\u0131ld\u0131. El Mawdudi bir M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u2019\u0131n \u0130slami
\nolmayan bir devlette ya\u015fayamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ancak M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen
\nbir \u0130slam devletinde ya\u015fayabilece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Ona g\u00f6re \u0130slam
\ndevletinde laikli\u011fe yer yoktur veya \u0130slam devletinin laiklikle ba\u011fda\u015fmas\u0131
\nm\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Asl\u0131nda bu tezin hi\u00e7bir i\u00e7 tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131
\nyoktur. Aksi halde H\u0131ristiyanlar i\u00e7in de ayn\u0131 \u015fey s\u00f6z konusu olurdu. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n
\nba\u015fka yerlerdeki teorisyenleri M\u0131s\u0131rl\u0131 Seyyid Kutub vb. de benzer tezler ileri
\ns\u00fcr\u00fcyorlard\u0131. \u015eeyh El Mawdudi, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesinden sonra Lahor\u2019a
\nyerle\u015fti, 1941\u2019de Cemaat-i \u0130slami adl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc kurdu ve iktidar m\u00fccadelesine
\ngiri\u015fti. Fakat politik \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n bir akt\u00f6r\u00fc olarak sahneye \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, 1970\u2019lerin
\nsonlar\u0131na rastl\u0131yordu. Siyasal \u0130slam, politik bir hareket olarak dini (\u0130slam\u2019\u0131)
\nreferans alsa da, onu sadece kendini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131yordu. Dinin
\nkaynaklar\u0131na g\u00f6nderme yapm\u0131yor sadece rit\u00fcellerini kullan\u0131yordu.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
\nse\u00e7imlerle birlikte bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin temsilcisi olarak kabul edilen bir partinin
\niktidar olmas\u0131, Siyasal \u0130slam tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu
\ntart\u0131\u015fmalar \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde, laiklik tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde
\nalevlendirilmektedir. Baz\u0131 siyasi partiler de \u00e7o\u011fu zaman siyasi \u0130slamc\u0131 bir
\nideolojiye b\u00fcr\u00fcnerek, bu konuyu bir oy toplama arac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015flerdir. <\/p>\n
\nya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcndemini en \u00e7ok me\u015fgul eden konulardan biridir. \u2018\u0130slamc\u0131-laik\u2019
\nikilemi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u015fekillenen bu gerginlik esasta, iki farkl\u0131 medeniyet
\nprojesiyle ilgilidir. Laikli\u011fi temel ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia eden cumhuriyetin
\n\u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma projesi, \u0130slamiyet\u2019i ki\u015fisel inan\u00e7 ve ibadet d\u00fczeyinde alg\u0131lamakta,
\nbuna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n\u00a0 <\/span>medeniyet
\nprojesi ise, \u0130slamiyet\u2019in kamu ya\u015fam\u0131nda \u00e7ok daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde bir rol oynamas\u0131n\u0131
\nama\u00e7lamaktad\u0131r. Bu ama\u00e7 s\u0131k s\u0131k ifade edildi\u011fi \u00fczere \u2018y\u00fczde 99\u2019u M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olan
\nbir halk\u0131n\u2019 bunu do\u011fal olarak isteyece\u011fi varsay\u0131m\u0131na dayand\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu
\nvarsay\u0131m\u0131n do\u011fru olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemlidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir yandan \u0130slami hareketin
\nme\u015fruiyet iddias\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmekte, \u00f6b\u00fcr yandan da laikli\u011fi benimsemi\u015f
\nkesimlerin \u2018\u015feriat devleti\u2019 korkular\u0131n\u0131 beslemektedir. <\/p>\n
\nhareket ve ideolojinin sa\u011f partilere y\u00f6neldi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. 1945-1950 d\u00f6neminde
\n\u0130slamc\u0131 gelenek\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin en \u00f6nemli temsilcisi Millet Partisidir. MP,
\n\u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n destekledi\u011fi ciddi bir muhalefet partisi olmu\u015ftur. Daha sonra
\nMilli Nizam Partisi (MNP) kuruluncaya kadar \u0130slamc\u0131lar genellikle AP\u2019nin
\n\u2018\u0130slamc\u0131\u2019 bir parti olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlay\u0131ncaya kadar onun yan\u0131nda yer alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nparti denemesi, \u0130slam Demokrat Partisidir. Ancak hi\u00e7bir ba\u015far\u0131 ve etkinlik
\nsa\u011flayamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130slamc\u0131lar Adalet Partisi\u2019nin ger\u00e7ekte Demokrat Parti\u2019nin
\ndevam\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131yla da, AP\u2019den ayr\u0131larak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir siyasal
\nharekete y\u00f6nelmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n
\nburjuvazi aras\u0131nda anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck sermaye kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n
\nkendilerinin \u00f6ncelikle g\u00f6zetilmedikleri ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n AP taraf\u0131ndan
\nkorunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamalar\u0131, yeni bir siyasi olu\u015fumun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131 beraberinde
\ngetirdi. 1961 Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n \u2018\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u2019 ortam\u0131nda, milliyet\u00e7i ideolojiler yan\u0131nda
\ndinci ideolojiler de ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, \u0130slami cemaatler politikay\u0131
\nart\u0131k AP i\u00e7inde de\u011fil, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek istediler. \u0130skender Pa\u015fa
\nCemaati lideri M. Zahid Kotku, AP\u2019den umudunu kesti\u011fi i\u00e7in ad\u0131n\u0131 da kendisinin
\nkoydu\u011fu Milli Nizam Partisi\u2019nin (MNP) kurulu\u015funu sa\u011flad\u0131. Necmettin Erbakan\u2019\u0131
\nda parti ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak belirledi. MNP, b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazi\u00a0 <\/span>kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda gelir ve sayg\u0131nl\u0131k yitiren bir
\nk\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck i\u015fletmeci, t\u00fcccar ve esnaf ile Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma hareketini ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri
\nreddeden bir kesim \u0130slamc\u0131n\u0131n etraf\u0131nda kenetlendikleri ve Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n
\n\u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc olarak politik ya\u015fama kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir parti oldu. MNP, \u0130slami bir parti
\nolarak nitelendirilmesine ra\u011fmen, kurulu\u015fundan kapat\u0131lmas\u0131na kadar hep \u00e7ekingen
\nbir \u0130slami s\u00f6ylem kullanarak laikli\u011fe a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a sald\u0131rmaktan \u00e7ekinmi\u015ftir. Partinin
\nprogram\u0131nda laiklik i\u00e7in \u2018laikli\u011fi din aleyhtarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren her
\nt\u00fcrl\u00fc anlay\u0131\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131z\u2019 \u015feklinde bir ibare kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. MNP, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de
\nba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir \u0130slami hareketin olu\u015fmas\u0131 yolunda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ama ilk ciddi ad\u0131md\u0131r.
\nY\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki yasalar nedeniyle \u0130slami kimli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a sergilemekten ka\u00e7\u0131nan
\nMNP, \u0130slami sistemin taraftar\u0131 oldu\u011funu ve bu sistemi hangi y\u00f6netimle
\nkuraca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eren mesajlar\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fc kapal\u0131 ve \u00e7ok da net olmayan ifadelerle
\nbelirtmekteydi.<\/p>\n
\n1971 tarihli karar\u0131yla kapat\u0131ld\u0131. MNP, 1970\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda \u0130slamc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin
\ngenel sa\u011fc\u0131 ideolojiden ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\naralar\u0131nda pek fark olmayan MSP, tepkileri \u00e7ekmemek maksad\u0131yla bakan ve birka\u00e7
\nki\u015finin d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan deste\u011fiyle kuruldu. Ortak pazara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131na
\na\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 savunan MSP, izledi\u011fi politikay\u0131 \u2018Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u2019 olarak nitelendirerek
\nama\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n maddi ve manevi kalk\u0131nmay\u0131 sa\u011flamak oldu\u011funu belirtir. Kendinden
\n\u00f6ncekiler gibi, Osmanl\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma u\u011fruna \u0130slam\u2019\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>reddetmesine ba\u011flayan MSP, b\u00fcy\u00fck T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin
\n\u0130slam uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6nmekle olu\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunuyordu.<\/p>\n
\nk\u0131l\u0131nca, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti tarihinde ilk kez \u2018Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019 h\u00fck\u00fcmet orta\u011f\u0131
\nolarak da olsa iktidara geliyordu. CHP-MSP koalisyonu, CHP\u2019lilerin MSP\u2019yi
\n\u2018irticac\u0131\u2019, MSP\u2019lilerin de CHP\u2019yi \u2018dinsiz\u2019 g\u00f6rme e\u011filimine ra\u011fmen kuruldu.
\n\u0130slam\u2019\u0131n demokrasiye uyup uymad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir deneyi gibi de g\u00f6r\u00fclen olu\u015fum \u00e7ok
\nge\u00e7medi ki (af meselesinden de anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere) derin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ayr\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131yla
\nson buldu. \u00d6nceden anla\u015f\u0131larak meclise getirilen af tasar\u0131s\u0131nda, MSP \u2018sol
\nsu\u00e7lu\u2019lar\u0131n aff\u0131 konusunda aleyhte oy kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u2018K\u0131br\u0131s Bar\u0131\u015f Harekat\u0131\u2019 da
\niki lider aras\u0131nda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kma konusunda bir yar\u0131\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr ve CHP-MSP
\nkoalisyonu bozulmu\u015ftur. H\u00fck\u00fcmetin istifas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, olas\u0131 bir erken se\u00e7imde
\nK\u0131br\u0131s\u2019tan dolay\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131 sa\u011flayabilecek olan Ecevit\u2019in \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesmek i\u00e7in sa\u011f
\npartiler (AP, MSP, MHP ve CGP) 1975\u2019te \u2018milliyet\u00e7i cephe\u2019 dedikleri bir
\nkoalisyon kurdular. MSP, Demirel\u2019in ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki bu h\u00fck\u00fcmette kadrola\u015fma
\nf\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 iyi de\u011ferlendirmi\u015ftir. Birinci Milliyet\u00e7i Cephe koalisyonu, TBMM\u2019nin
\n5 Haziran 1977\u2019de erken se\u00e7im yapmaya karar\u00a0
\n<\/span>vermesiyle son buldu. 1977 se\u00e7imlerinde, Nurcular\u0131n AP\u2019yi desteklemesi
\nve bir k\u0131s\u0131m \u0130slamc\u0131 oylar\u0131n MHP\u2019ye gitmesi sonucu, MSP\u2019nin oy oran\u0131 y\u00fczde
\n11\u2019den y\u00fczde 8\u2019e d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. T\u00fcrk \u2013 \u0130slam sentezinin g\u00fcndemde oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde
\nCHP\u2019nin az\u0131nl\u0131k h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kurma ihtimaline kar\u015f\u0131 \u2018milliyet\u00e7i partiler toplulu\u011fu
\niktidar\u0131 sola teslim etmemeli\u2019 diyen S\u00fcleyman Demirel ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda (AP, MHP,
\nMSP) \u2018\u0130kinci Milliyet\u00e7i Cephe\u2019 koalisyonunu kurdular. Bu d\u00f6nemde imam-hatip ve
\nKuran kurslar\u0131 say\u0131lar\u0131 artt\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rken \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131 ile ili\u015fkiler de art\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.
\n\u0130ktidar d\u00f6neminde kadrola\u015fmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi yan\u0131nda MSP, \u2018her k\u00f6ye bir cami
\nprojesi\u2019, diyanet yetkilerinin art\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n on kat art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, Hac
\nkotalar\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, zorunlu din-ahlak dersi konulup din g\u00f6revlileri
\ntaraf\u0131ndan okutulmas\u0131, tatil g\u00fcn\u00fc olarak Cuma\u2019n\u0131n se\u00e7ilmesi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ve
\nOsmanl\u0131 hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fcyelerine T\u00fcrk vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015f yasalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131
\ngibi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalara imza att\u0131. \u0130ran devriminden etkilenen ve muhalefet d\u00f6neminde
\niyice radikalle\u015fen MSP\u2019nin Ekim 1978\u2019de yap\u0131lan b\u00fcy\u00fck kongresinde, Atat\u00fcrk
\nresminin g\u00f6zleri oyulmu\u015f ve \u015feriat yanl\u0131s\u0131 sloganlar at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. MSP art\u0131k
\nihtiyat\u0131 da elden b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kapat\u0131lmaktan korkmuyordu. Art\u0131k alenen \u015feriata
\ndayal\u0131 devlet kurma isteklerini dile getirir ve dinsiz devletin y\u0131k\u0131laca\u011f\u0131
\ns\u00f6ylemleriyle mitingler d\u00fczenler olmu\u015flard\u0131. Kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k d\u00f6nemin bahanesiyle
\ny\u00f6netime el koyan ordu, di\u011fer partilerle beraber MSP\u2019yi de kapatt\u0131.<\/p>\n
\nsiyasal partiler kapat\u0131l\u0131nca ihtiya\u00e7 duyulan deste\u011fi, bir\u00e7ok siyasinin
\ns\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nca arad\u0131\u011f\u0131 deste\u011fi din \u00f6\u011fesinde arad\u0131. Din e\u011fitimi anayasal bir
\nzorunluluk haline getirilirken, imam-hatip mezunlar\u0131na ilahiyat d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki
\n\u00fcniversitelerin kap\u0131lar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. B\u00f6ylece dini e\u011fitim bir meslek ama\u00e7l\u0131 olmaktan
\n\u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131p, alternatif bir e\u011fitim sistemi haline getirildi.<\/p>\n
\nizin verilmeyince askeri y\u00f6netim d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kurulan tek parti olan ANAP avantaj
\nyakalam\u0131\u015f oldu. Bunu iyi de\u011ferlendiren \u00d6zal, hemen hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n
\ndeste\u011fini alm\u0131\u015f oldu. \u0130skender Pa\u015fa dergah\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 bir Nak\u015fi olan \u00d6zal, MSP
\ntaban\u0131nda kabul g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n
\ntekrar toparlanma noktas\u0131na gelen RP, Erbakan\u2019\u0131 parti ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve \u00fcst
\ny\u00f6netime de MSP\u2019lileri getirmi\u015ftir. 1987 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki erken se\u00e7imlerde Erbakan
\ny\u00fczde 10 baraj\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda kald\u0131. 1989 yerel se\u00e7imlerinde ise b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ba\u015far\u0131
\nelde etti. 1991 erken se\u00e7imlerinden y\u00fczde 16 oyla \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan
\nSivas katliam\u0131n\u0131n RP\u2019li belediye s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde cereyan etmesi ve \u0130slamc\u0131
\nkesimce ortaya at\u0131lan laik-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131
\nkutupla\u015fman\u0131n neticesinde olmas\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131t grubun \u2018din d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131\u2019 gibi g\u00f6sterilerek
\nkatledilmeleriyle haf\u0131zaya kaz\u0131nd\u0131.<\/p>\n
\nbelediye ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanan Refah, Ankara ve \u0130stanbul\u2019u da alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.
\nB\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehirlere al\u0131\u015famayan, ahlaki de\u011ferleri yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve dinden kopmu\u015f olarak
\ng\u00f6ren b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerin ta\u015fral\u0131 sakinleri, dini ve RP\u2019yi bir s\u0131\u011f\u0131nak olarak
\ng\u00f6rd\u00fc. Bunda \u00f6zellikle gecekondularda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yo\u011fun propagandan\u0131n etkisi
\nb\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
\nve b\u00f6ylece siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 T\u00fcrk siyasetinde bir temel belirleyici haline
\ngetirmi\u015ftir. Erbakan 1995 se\u00e7imleriyle ba\u015fbakan olmu\u015ftur. Ocak 1997\u2019de Sincan
\nBelediyesinin d\u00fczenledi\u011fi Kud\u00fcs gecesi nedeniyle \u2018post-modern bir darbe\u2019 olarak
\nnitelendirilen 28 \u015eubat s\u00fcreci ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. 28 \u015eubat 1997\u2019de toplanan MGK\u2019ya
\naskeri kesim, irtica ile m\u00fccadele ve sekiz y\u0131ll\u0131k kesintisiz e\u011fitim gibi
\nmaddelerle gelmi\u015ftir. RP\u2019nin kadrola\u015fmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 gelen TSK, sekiz y\u0131ll\u0131k temel
\ne\u011fitim konusunda da \u0131srarl\u0131 tutumunu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. <\/p>\n
\nhakk\u0131nda kapatma davas\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131. Kapat\u0131lma karar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Erbakan ile
\n\u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmi\u015f grup yeniden onun etraf\u0131nda toplanmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Ayn\u0131 misyonla ve
\nbiraz farkl\u0131 bir \u00e7ehreyle kurulan Fazilet Partisi\u2019nin ba\u015f\u0131na Recai Kutan
\ngetirilerek, parti i\u00e7indeki \u2018yenilik\u00e7i\u2019 kanad\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne, \u2018gelenek\u00e7i\u2019 bir ba\u015fkanla
\n\u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmak istenmi\u015f ancak yine de Tayip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n parti i\u00e7inde sivrilmesi
\nengellenememi\u015ftir. 1999 se\u00e7imlerine 28 \u015eubat, siyasal \u0130slam, irtica ve parti
\nkapat\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi konularla girildi. FP\u2019nin meclise girmesi \u00e7ok kolay oldu ve
\nilk eylemi de Merve Kavak\u00e7\u0131 olay\u0131 oldu. Erbakan\u2019\u0131n devrini tamamlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131
\nd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen ve kendilerinin fikirleri dikkate bile al\u0131nmayan yenilik\u00e7i kesim yava\u015f
\nyava\u015f partiden yollar\u0131n\u0131 ay\u0131rmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu kopu\u015f s\u00fcreci 2001 y\u0131l\u0131nda Adalet
\nve Kalk\u0131nma Partisi\u2019nin kurulu\u015funa ve sonras\u0131nda tek ba\u015f\u0131na iktidar olmas\u0131na
\nkadar devam etti. AKP, 3 Kas\u0131m 2002 y\u0131l\u0131nda yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde yakla\u015f\u0131k % 36 oy
\noran\u0131yla birinci parti olarak \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. 2007 genel se\u00e7imlerinde ise % 46 oyla en
\ng\u00f6rkemli d\u00f6nemini ya\u015fad\u0131. Kendisini muhafazakar demokrat olarak tan\u0131mlayan bu
\nparti Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019nin kap\u0131s\u0131nda beklenilen bug\u00fcnlerde laiklik konusundaki
\nhassasiyetleri bildi\u011fi, \u00f6n\u00fcnde Refah Partisi gibi bir \u00f6rnek oldu\u011fu ve Avrupa
\nBirli\u011fi yolunda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen \u2018reform\u2019lar\u0131 zedelememe ad\u0131na rejimi tehdit
\nedecek herhangi bir giri\u015fimde bulunmad\u0131. Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019nin tepkisine neden
\nolan \u2018zina yasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 dahi geri \u00e7ekti.<\/p>\n
\nStratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/span><\/p>\n
\n– www.lekolin.net \u2013 www.lekolin.info<\/span><\/p>\n