\t\t\t\t\t\t\t ![](\"http:\/\/www.lekolin.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/03\/5933-1.jpg\")
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n
\nolgusu, halk\u0131n bilincini tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na almada \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir yer tutmaktad\u0131r.
\nDevletin ulus in\u015fas\u0131nda yeniden yaz\u0131lan tarihin oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015flev, sadece
\nge\u00e7mi\u015fteki sahte zaferler \u00fczerinden yarat\u0131lan bellek ve ortak ge\u00e7mi\u015f yaratma
\nde\u011fildir. <\/font><\/div>\n
Yeniden yaz\u0131lan tarih ayn\u0131 Ulus devlet sisteminin t\u00fcm AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmi de bu ikili Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan AKP-MHP fa\u015fizminin bu \u00a0<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n Abd\u00fclhamit D\u00f6nemi<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n 34. Osmanl\u0131 padi\u015fah\u0131 olarak Bu iktidar d\u00f6nemi boyunca <\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n \n \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ve Abd\u00fclhamit<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in zihniyeti ve \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k bir politik ak\u0131m Osmanl\u0131 padi\u015fahlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130slam \u00d6te yandan Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in \u0130slamc\u0131 <\/p>\n A\u015firet Mektepleri ve Hamidiye Alaylar\u0131<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in AKP fa\u015fizminin Bu uygulamalardan ikisi de Bu mekteplerde e\u011fitim g\u00f6ren baz\u0131 Hamidiye Alaylar\u0131n\u0131n etkisi ise Ku\u015fkusuz \u00f6zellikle 1891-95 aras\u0131 Hamidiye Alaylar\u0131 K\u00fcrt toplumunda Bu i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma sadece K\u00fcrt AKP-MHP fa\u015fizminin y\u00fccele\u015ftirdi\u011fi <\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n \n Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in Ermeni Halk\u0131na Yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ve Siyonizm\u2019le \u0130li\u015fkileri\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n Osmanl\u0131 Devletinin egemenlik Ermeni halk\u0131n\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 1891-95 aras\u0131nda Ermeni halk\u0131na AKP\u2019nin kalem\u015forlar\u0131 Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019i Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Siyonistlerin Yani ortada Siyonizm\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 \u0130\u015fte baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgeleri \u00fczerine YAZININ DEVAMI: Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in Y\u00f6netme Tarz\u0131<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/p>\n K\u00fcrdistan Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Merkezi<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n www.lekolin.com – www.lekolin.org – www.lekolin.net \u2013 \t<\/p>\n
\nzamanda bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sistemin s\u00fcreklili\u011finin vurgusu \u00fczerinden temel bir rol oynar.
\n\u00d6rne\u011fin Ulusun tarihin \u00f6znesi halinde kurgulanmas\u0131 ulus devletin kendini
\nme\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n en belirgin olan\u0131d\u0131r. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan tarihin s\u00fcrekli
\n\u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131yla yarat\u0131lan mitler ve bu mitlerin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sisteme yans\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131,
\nulus devletin kendinin \u201cmodern ve ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201cezeli g\u00f6stermesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan
\nkritiktir. Bu \u00e7arp\u0131k bilin\u00e7 yaratma pratiklerinin bir\u00e7ok farkl\u0131 y\u00f6ntemi s\u00f6z
\nkonusudur. Tarihteki bir d\u00f6nemin veya ki\u015finin se\u00e7ilmesi bu y\u00f6ntemlerin ba\u015f\u0131nda
\ngelmektedir. Tarihteki fig\u00fcrler bu \u015fekilde asl\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekliklerinden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131
\nbi\u00e7im de kahramanla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r ve g\u00fcncel siyasi ya\u015fama aktar\u0131l\u0131r.<\/font><\/p>\n
\n\u00e7e\u015fitlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclen bu durum fa\u015fizm rejimlerde \u00e7ok daha geni\u015f bir yer kaplar.
\nFa\u015fizmde tarihin s\u00fcrekli g\u00fcncelle\u015ftirilmesi ve miras olarak vurgulanan tarihsel
\nd\u00f6nemin bas\u0131n, e\u011fitim gibi ideolojik ayg\u0131tlarla i\u015flenmesi esast\u0131r. \u0130talyan fa\u015fizminin
\n\u201cRoma \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu vurgusu ve Alman fa\u015fizmin kendini \u201cBin y\u0131l s\u00fcrecek olan
\nIII. Reich yani 3. \u0130mparatorluk (Kutsal Roma Cermen \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ve
\nBismarck\u2019\u0131n kurdu\u011fu Alman \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ilk iki imparatorluk olarak ifade
\nedilir.) olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6nemli \u00f6rneklerdir. <\/font><\/p>\n
\ndurumu da i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r bi\u00e7imde iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rmak ve kitleleri
\ny\u00f6nlendirebilmek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6ntemler izlemektedir. Topluma kendi
\niktidar\u0131n\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n en \u00f6nemlisi de \u00e7arp\u0131k
\nbir tarih bilinci olu\u015fturmakt\u0131r. \u201cOsmanl\u0131 ve \u201cAbd\u00fclhamit vurgular\u0131n\u0131n son
\ny\u0131llarda s\u00fcrekli i\u015flemesini, bu a\u00e7\u0131dan ele almak gerekmektedir. Ku\u015fkusuz ortak
\nbir zihniyeti de g\u00f6steren bu durum ayn\u0131 zamanda kitleleri yanl\u0131\u015f y\u00f6nlendirmenin
\nbir y\u00f6ntemidir.\u00a0 <\/span>Fa\u015fizmin \u00f6zel sava\u015f
\npolitikalar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde m\u00fchim bir yer kaplayan bu tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 fa\u015fist ve ulus
\ndevlet sistemati\u011finin AKP-MHP fa\u015fizmi \u00f6zg\u00fcl\u00fcne yans\u0131mas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmelidir. <\/font><\/p>\n
\npolitikalarla neyi ama\u00e7lad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmak \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Bu noktada
\n\u00f6zellikle II. Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in \u00fczerinde durmak gerekmektedir. \u00d6zellikle son \u00fc\u00e7
\ny\u0131ld\u0131r devletin t\u00fcm bas\u0131n organlar\u0131nda bir Abd\u00fclhamit \u201cg\u00fczellemesi mutlaka yer
\nalmaktad\u0131r. \u201cEvliya padi\u015fah olarak sunulan ve modern sultan olma iste\u011finde
\nolan fa\u015fist Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6yk\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc II. Abd\u00fclhamit ger\u00e7e\u011fine e\u011filmek ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc
\nrejimle benzerlik ve farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmek fa\u015fizmin politikalar\u0131n\u0131n
\ni\u00e7y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc anlamak i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli olmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir tarz ve anlay\u0131\u015f birli\u011finin
\nyans\u0131mas\u0131 da s\u00f6z konusudur. Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in tarz\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda bize fa\u015fist
\nErdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dair de ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 sunmaktad\u0131r. \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\n1876\u2019de tahta \u00e7\u0131kan II. Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in anlay\u0131\u015f ve y\u00f6netim tarz\u0131n\u0131 irdelemeden
\n\u00f6nce 33 y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli d\u00f6neme\u00e7lerini vurgulamak gerekir.
\nAbd\u00fclhamit\u2019in iktidara gelme s\u00fcreci zaten nas\u0131l bir politik fig\u00fcr olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131
\ng\u00f6sterir \u015fekilde geli\u015fti. \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun kapitalist modernite ile tam
\nb\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in devlet mekanizmas\u0131nda reformlar planlayan Yeni Osmanl\u0131lar
\ndiye adland\u0131r\u0131lan daha sonraki \u0130ttihat ve Terakki partisinin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc olan grubun
\nyapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 saray darbesi sonras\u0131 Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in abisi V.Murat 1876 y\u0131l\u0131nda tahta
\n\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Fakat iki ay sonra yeni padi\u015fah\u0131n akli dengesinin yerinde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131
\nanla\u015f\u0131l\u0131nca Abd\u00fclhamit reformlar yapma s\u00f6z\u00fc ile padi\u015fah oldu. Kanuni Esasi
\nolarak bilinen ilk anayasada bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te yap\u0131ld\u0131. Me\u015frutiyet sistemi hayata
\nge\u00e7ti. Bu do\u011frultuda se\u00e7imler ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti ve ilk defa meclis a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. Fakat bu
\nreformlara iktidar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in katlanan Abd\u00fclhamit daha iki y\u0131l
\nge\u00e7meden kendisini iktidara ta\u015f\u0131yan Yeni Osmanl\u0131 grubunun \u00f6nde gelenlerini
\ns\u00fcrg\u00fcne yollay\u0131p sava\u015f bahanesi ile Meclisi fesh etti. Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in zihniyeti
\niktidar\u0131 payla\u015fmay\u0131 kabul etmiyordu. Uzun y\u0131llar s\u00fcrecek iktidar\u0131 daha ba\u015ftan
\nkomplolar ve demokrasi kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/font><\/p>\n
\n\u00f6zellikle Ruslarla yap\u0131lan bir\u00e7ok sava\u015f kaybedildi. AKP fa\u015fizmin demagoglar\u0131n\u0131n
\nOsmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 durdurup, geciktirdi\u011fi iddialar\u0131n\u0131n aksine Osmanl\u0131 bu
\nd\u00f6nemde pek \u00e7ok b\u00f6lgede(M\u0131s\u0131r, Tunus, K\u0131br\u0131s vb.) egemenli\u011fini kaybetti. Kendi
\niktidar\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli kapitalist devletleraras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri kullanan
\nAbd\u00fclhamit bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede Rusya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131t olarak s\u00fcrekli Almanya ve \u0130ngiltere
\naras\u0131nda gidip geldi. \u0130ktidar\u0131n\u0131n son d\u00f6nemlerinde \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin Rusya\u2019y\u0131
\nstratejik ortak olarak belirlemesi(D\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131na da bu iki devlet beraber
\ngirecektir.) Almanya\u2019ya \u0130ttihat Terakki d\u00f6neminde neredeyse s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ili\u015fkisine
\nd\u00f6necek ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ilk ad\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n at\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bu denge politikas\u0131
\ndo\u011frultusunda bir\u00e7ok kaynak bu g\u00fc\u00e7lere pe\u015fke\u015f \u00e7ekildi, Duyun-i Umumiye(Bor\u00e7lar
\n\u0130daresi) kurumu arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla devletin vergi sistemi emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lere
\nb\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. Balkanlarda halklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck istemlerine katliamlarla cevap
\nverildi. Binlerce muhalif ya idam ya da s\u00fcrg\u00fcn edildi. 1891-1895 y\u0131llar\u0131
\naras\u0131nda Ermeni halk\u0131na y\u00f6nelik b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 bir katliam ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. Yine
\nK\u00fcrt halk\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilik Hamidiye Alaylar\u0131 ve A\u015firet Mektepleri ile
\nkurumsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. 1908\u2019de \u0130ttihat ve Terakkinin isyan\u0131 ile tekrar Me\u015frutiyet
\nsistemine ge\u00e7mek zorunda kalan Abd\u00fclhamit 31 Mart olarak bilinen \u0130ttihat ve
\nTerakki provokasyonu ile iktidardan uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. 1918 y\u0131l\u0131nda kimsesiz ve
\netkisiz bir konumda ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 yitirdi.<\/font>\u00a0<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n
\nprati\u011fi ile AKP-MHP fa\u015fizminin sundu\u011fu Abd\u00fclhamit portesi aras\u0131ndaki farklar\u0131
\nele al\u0131rken \u00f6ncelikle \u0130slamiyet\u2019i politik ama\u00e7lar i\u00e7in nas\u0131l kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131
\n\u00fczerinde durmak gerekir. Fa\u015fist laf cambazlar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cT\u00fcm \u0130slam \u00c2leminin lideri ,
\n\u201cEmperyalist Devletlerle M\u00fccadele Eden Padi\u015fah imgesinin ger\u00e7ekle uzaktan
\nyak\u0131ndan alakas\u0131 yoktur. Abd\u00fclhamit politikalar\u0131n\u0131 belirlerken ne dini bir
\nama\u00e7la hareket etmi\u015f ne de bu politikalar\u0131n\u0131 kapitalist devletlere ra\u011fmen ya da
\nonlarla \u00e7at\u0131\u015farak pratikle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Zaten iktidar\u0131n\u0131n bu devletlere ne denli
\nba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 oldu\u011fu emperyalist devletlerle \u00f6zellikle Filistin\u2019e Yahudi g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc
\nkonusunda z\u0131tla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan 1908\u2019deki \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 isyan\u0131yla k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede
\nMe\u015frutiyeti tekrar devreye koymas\u0131ndan da anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/font><\/p>\n
\nolarak 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. T\u00fcm M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 tek bir devlet alt\u0131nda
\nAvrupa ve Hristiyan kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir zeminde bulu\u015fmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini savunan bu ak\u0131m
\nkar\u015f\u0131t s\u00f6ylemlerine ra\u011fmen asl\u0131nda kapitalist modernitenin \u00e7er\u00e7evesini
\na\u015famam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Asl\u0131nda kapitalist moderniteye direni\u015f de\u011fil, eklemlenme iste\u011fi
\nba\u015fatt\u0131r. Bu do\u011frultuda kapitalist tekelci g\u00fc\u00e7lerin Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya tam olarak
\nh\u00e2kim olmak i\u00e7in \u0130slamc\u0131 ge\u00e7inen ak\u0131mlar\u0131 desteklemesi sadece g\u00fcncel bir politik
\ndurum de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda tarihsel bir y\u00f6ntem oldu\u011fu belirtilmelidir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan
\nbu ak\u0131m\u0131n kurucu ki\u015filerinden baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n emperyalist devletlerle ba\u011f\u0131 da
\ng\u00f6zden ka\u00e7mamal\u0131d\u0131r.\u00a0 <\/span>Cemaleddin Afgani
\nbu bak\u0131mdan \u00f6nemli bir \u00f6rnektir. Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun neredeyse t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerinde ya\u015fayan
\nbu ki\u015finin s\u00f6ylem d\u00fczeyindeki \u0130ngiliz kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n \u0130ngilizlerle ili\u015fkisi
\na\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Zaman\u0131nda Mason localar\u0131na kat\u0131lan bu ki\u015finin \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn son demlerinin
\nAbd\u00fclhamit\u2019in \u0130stanbul\u2019unda ge\u00e7mi\u015f olmas\u0131 tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir.\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\nhalifesi unvan\u0131n\u0131 kullanmas\u0131 her ne kadar Yavuz Sultan Selim\u2019in Memluk
\ndevletini y\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ba\u015flasa bile Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019e kadar bu durum
\nsimgesellikten \u00f6te bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131yordu. Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k politikalar\u0131
\n\u00e7o\u011funlukla ulusal haklar temelinde isyan eden M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmayan halklara tepki
\nve Osmanl\u0131\u2019y\u0131 bir arada tutma y\u00f6ntemi olarak a\u00e7\u0131klan\u0131r. Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in M\u00fcsl\u00fcman
\nolmayan halklara y\u00f6nelik bir tepkisi vard\u0131r, yine K\u00fcrtlerde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u00fczere
\nM\u00fcsl\u00fcman halklar\u0131 Hristiyan kom\u015fular\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtma gibi uygulamalar\u0131
\nvard\u0131r. Fakat yine de Abd\u00fclhamit \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda esas belirgin olan emperyalist
\ndevletlere yap\u0131lan m\u00fczakerelerde elini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmektir. \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin M\u00fcsl\u00fcman
\ns\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerindeki halk aras\u0131nda dini duygular \u00fczerinden etki sahibi olmak ve bu
\nyolla hem \u0130ngiltere ile hem de Almanya ile ili\u015fkilerde kendine alan a\u00e7ma bu
\npolitikalar\u0131n esas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ahlaki ve politik \u00f6z\u00fc ile Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in
\n\u0130slamc\u0131 politikalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir ba\u011f olmamas\u0131 do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fidir. Alman
\nemperyalizmin destekleyici pozisyonu ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin \u00f6rt\u00fck onay\u0131 da genel
\n\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kta belirgin oldu\u011fu gibi Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in \u0130slamc\u0131 politikalar\u0131nda da
\na\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halklarla kurulan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc
\nili\u015fkilerinin \u201cdin karde\u015fli\u011fi k\u0131l\u0131f\u0131 ile s\u00fcrekli k\u0131lma istemi de bu
\npolitikalar\u0131nda etkilidir. \u00d6zellikle K\u00fcrt halk\u0131nda i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilik bu s\u00f6ylem
\n\u00fczerinden palazland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve uzun s\u00fcre bu arg\u00fcman K\u00fcrt i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011finin temel
\nifadesi olmu\u015ftur. Halife ve Din karde\u015fli\u011fi kavramlar\u0131 belki de en fazla ve yaln\u0131zca
\nK\u00fcrtlerde g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr bir etki yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Balkanlardaki M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halklar
\naras\u0131nda Hristiyan kom\u015fularla kanl\u0131 ve uzun s\u00fcreli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara ra\u011fmen
\n\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k bir zemin bulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Arap halk\u0131 aras\u0131nda geli\u015fen \u0130slamc\u0131
\nd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin nerdeyse tamam\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir damara sahip olmu\u015ftur.\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\npolitikalar\u0131 olarak ifade etti\u011fimiz hamlelerin somut ad\u0131mlardan ziyade
\ns\u00f6ylemlerden ibaret oldu\u011funu da vurgulamal\u0131y\u0131z. Etkisinin c\u0131l\u0131z olmas\u0131n\u0131n bir
\nnedeni de budur. Osmanl\u0131 Devleti\u2019nin egemenli\u011finde ya\u015fayan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halk
\nHristiyan ve Musevilere kar\u015f\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir sonu\u00e7ta ortaya
\n\u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u0131rakal\u0131m \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcne uygun uygulamalar\u0131 devlet\u00e7i \u0130slam\u2019a dair
\nbir ad\u0131mda at\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Klasik ulema bile bu d\u00f6nem \u00f6nem kazanm\u0131\u015f de\u011fildir.
\nMedrese ve cami yap\u0131m\u0131 gibi normal dinsel uygulamalar bile ola\u011fan d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir
\nart\u0131\u015f g\u00f6stermemi\u015ftir.\u00a0 <\/span>Aksine Avrupa ve
\nkapitalist modernite ile b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmeye d\u00f6n\u00fck 19.yy. ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen
\npolitikalar s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.\u00a0 <\/span>Yani Erdo\u011fan
\nve taifesinin \u201cUlu Hakan \u0131 \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 zikretmi\u015f fakat amel etmemi\u015ftir.<\/font><\/p>\n
\na\u00e7\u0131ktan K\u00fcrt soyk\u0131r\u0131m politikalar\u0131 izlemeye ba\u015flamadan \u00f6nce s\u00fcrekli vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131
\nbir lakab\u0131 vard\u0131r: \u201cK\u00fcrtlerin Babas\u0131 . Bu lakab\u0131 kazanmak i\u00e7in ise yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 iki
\nuygulamas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur. A\u015firet Mektepleri K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n o zamanki
\nse\u00e7kinlerini daha \u00e7ocukluktan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130stanbul\u2019da ve sonras\u0131nda Avrupa\u2019da
\ne\u011fitime yollad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i \u00fcretme merkezleridir. Hamidiye Alaylar\u0131 yani erken
\nd\u00f6nem koruculu\u011fu ise biny\u0131llard\u0131r beraber ya\u015fayan Ermeni ve K\u00fcrt halklar\u0131n\u0131
\nbirbirine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme ve katliam arac\u0131 olarak \u00f6zenle olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131nda
\ni\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fi sistemli haline getirdi\u011fi i\u00e7in \u201cK\u00fcrtlerin Babas\u0131 olarak
\n\u00f6v\u00fclmesi egemenlerin hakikatle nas\u0131l oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tipik bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\nneredeyse e\u015f zamanl\u0131 olarak 1890 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren prati\u011fe girmi\u015ftir. A\u015firet
\nMekteplerinde K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda Arap a\u015firetleri de yer alsa da esas hedef 19.
\nY\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n yeniden i\u015fgal edilip, \u00f6zerkli\u011finin
\npeyder pey tasfiye edilmesine direnen K\u00fcrt a\u015firetlerin sisteme g\u00f6bekten
\nba\u011flanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Zihin i\u015fgalinin ve beyaz soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n ilk sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 olan bu
\nokullarla hedeflenen, K\u00fcrt aristokrasisinde c\u0131l\u0131zda olsa geli\u015fen K\u00fcrtl\u00fck
\nbilincini ortadan kald\u0131rmakt\u0131r. TC ise daha yayg\u0131n olarak benzer mant\u0131kla
\nY\u0130BO\u2019lar\u0131(Yay\u0131l\u0131 B\u00f6lge Okullar\u0131) t\u00fcm Kuzey K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a serpi\u015ftirecektir.
\nOsmanl\u0131 gibi(Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n T\u00fcrk\u2019e d\u00f6nmesi \u00e7ok uzun s\u00fcrmeyecektir.) d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen,
\nya\u015fayan ve konu\u015fan ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalist moderniteye \u00f6zenen bir K\u00fcrt kesimini
\nortaya \u00e7\u0131karmak ama\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/font><\/p>\n
\nki\u015filerin sonradan K\u00fcrt hareketlerinde yer alm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, bu mekteplerin
\nyaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahribat\u0131 \u00f6rtmez. \u0130stisnai olan bu durum zihinsel d\u00fcnyan\u0131n i\u015fgale
\nu\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmez. Ger\u00e7ekten ortaya \u201ce\u011fitimli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i bir K\u00fcrt
\nse\u00e7kin s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kesim s\u00fcrekli Osmanl\u0131 devleti d\u00fczlemini
\nve zihniyetini kendine esas alm\u0131\u015f, kendince K\u00fcrtl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc
\nzamanlarda bile bu anlay\u0131\u015ftan kopu\u015fu ya\u015famam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durumu Abd\u00fclhamit
\nrejimine muhalif \u00f6rg\u00fctlere(\u0130ttihat ve Terakki vb.) K\u00fcrtlerin kat\u0131l\u0131m tarz\u0131nda
\nda g\u00f6rebiliriz. 1908 ile a\u00e7\u0131lan meclislerde K\u00fcrt mebuslar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu bu okullarda
\nyeti\u015fmi\u015ftir ve bunlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu da Osmanl\u0131 kimli\u011finin amans\u0131z savunucular\u0131
\nolmu\u015ftur. Padi\u015fah ve Halifeye sadakat temel motivasyonlar\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. \u0130ttihat ve
\nTerakki\u2019nin 1910\u2019dan sonra T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck hamlesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u015fa\u015f\u0131ran bu kesimden
\nbaz\u0131lar\u0131 T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011fe transfer olmu\u015f baz\u0131lar\u0131 ise K\u00fcrtl\u00fck bilincini hala Osmanl\u0131
\nd\u00fczleminde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye devam etmi\u015ftir.\u00a0
\n<\/span>Neredeyse \u00e7eyrek as\u0131rl\u0131k(1890-1910) bir d\u00f6nem K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011fe dair k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve
\nedebi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n dibe vurmas\u0131nda da A\u015firet Mekteplerinin belirgin bir etkisi
\nvard\u0131r.\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\ndaha kapsaml\u0131, derin ve \u00e7ok boyutlu olmu\u015ftur. \u00c7arl\u0131k Rusya\u2019daki Kazak
\nAlaylar\u0131na \u00f6yk\u00fcn\u00fclerek kurulan Hamidiye alaylar\u0131 sadece K\u00fcrtlerden
\nolu\u015fturulmu\u015ftur. Bu alaylar\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 Ermeni halk\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckselen ulusal
\ndemokratik taleplerinin tehlike olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesine kar\u015f\u0131 bir \u00f6nlem olarak ifade
\nedilse de asl\u0131nda K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011fe y\u00f6neltilmi\u015f bir sald\u0131r\u0131d\u0131r. A\u015firet mektepleri ile
\nzihinsel olarak ba\u011flanan K\u00fcrt egemenleri Hamidiye al)aylar\u0131 ile fiziki ve maddi
\nolarak Osmanl\u0131\u2019ya tabi hale gelmi\u015flerdir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi halk\u0131 ve kom\u015fu dost
\nhalklara y\u00f6nelen devlet ter\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn basit arac\u0131 haline gelerek i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fi,
\nyap\u0131sal ihanet boyutuna ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. \u201cK\u00fcrtlerin Babas\u0131 unvan\u0131 da bu ihanet
\nkar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sa\u011flanan maddi olanaklara s\u00f6zde \u015f\u00fckran sunmak i\u00e7in verilmi\u015ftir.
\nKoruculuk sistemin tohumu olan bu birlikler K\u00fcrt toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir
\ntahribat yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\nErmeni katliam\u0131ndaki pozisyonlar\u0131, biny\u0131llard\u0131r beraber ya\u015fayan Ermeni ve K\u00fcrt
\nhalk\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flara b\u00fcy\u00fck zarar vermi\u015ftir. Bu durumda sorumluluk her ne
\nkadar bu katliamlarda K\u00fcrt a\u015firetlerine rol vererek, egemenlerin klasik
\nb\u00f6l-par\u00e7ala-y\u00f6net politikas\u0131n\u0131 uygulayan Abd\u00fclhamit rejiminde olsa da Ermeni
\nhalk\u0131n\u0131n ulusal taleplerini istismar eden \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin de pay\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmek
\ngerekir. Farkl\u0131 dinlere mensup olmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen biny\u0131llarca yan yana de\u011fil
\nneredeyse i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f olan K\u00fcrt ve Ermeni halk\u0131 tarihin hi\u00e7bir d\u00f6neminde
\nciddi sorunlar ya\u015famam\u0131\u015flar\u0131d\u0131r. Bunun \u00f6tesinde do\u011fal bir i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc(K\u00fcrtler
\ntar\u0131m ve hayvanc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa, Ermeniler ise zanaatk\u00e2rl\u0131k ve ticarete a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k
\nvermi\u015flerdir.) ile birbirlerini tamamlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.\u00a0 <\/span>Biny\u0131llar\u0131n bu deneyimi \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u015fekillenen
\nK\u00fcrt Ermeni dostlu\u011fu egemen Osmanl\u0131 ve kapitalist hegomonik g\u00fc\u00e7lerin planlar\u0131
\nneticesinde bozulmu\u015ftur. Sonu\u00e7ta hem bu d\u00f6nemki katliamlara hem de 1915\u2019teki
\nsoyk\u0131r\u0131ma kat\u0131lan bu i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i a\u015firetler y\u00fcz\u00fcnden olan K\u00fcrt-Ermeni dostlu\u011funa
\nolacakt\u0131r. <\/font><\/p>\n
\ns\u00fcrekli bir i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma durumunun olu\u015fmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur. Devletin s\u00fcrekli
\nsald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 direnmek isteyen g\u00fc\u00e7ler her zaman \u00f6ncellikli olarak bu
\nyap\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelmi\u015flerdir. K\u00fcrt toplumunda etkileri g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar
\ngelen derin g\u00fcvensizlik kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i damardan almaktad\u0131r. Ku\u015fkusuz
\ndaha eski olan i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i damar bu d\u00f6nemde ihanet\u00e7i bir yap\u0131ya kavu\u015fmu\u015ftur.
\nK\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n bir\u00e7ok hareketinin bu ihanet\u00e7i yap\u0131ya ve devam\u0131 niteli\u011findeki
\nolu\u015fumlar\u0131n u\u011fursuz rolleri nedeniyle ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n
\nme\u015fru savunma ve isyan tarihi bu duruma say\u0131s\u0131z \u00f6rnek i\u00e7ermektedir. O d\u00f6nem
\ngeli\u015fme olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcksek olan K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin sekteye u\u011framas\u0131nda bu
\niki uygulaman\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnsel bir etkisi olmu\u015ftur. <\/font><\/p>\n
\nhalk\u0131n\u0131n isyanlar\u0131nda baz\u0131 a\u015firetlerin devletin yan\u0131nda yer almas\u0131 anlam\u0131nda
\nde\u011fildir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 devlete veren i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i a\u015firetler s\u00fcrekli ayn\u0131
\nkonumda olmayan kom\u015fu a\u015firetlere sald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve bu k\u00f6kl\u00fc d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131n tohumunu
\natm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00fcrt toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n var olan par\u00e7al\u0131 yap\u0131s\u0131 bu nedenle hem
\nkal\u0131c\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f hem de bu par\u00e7ac\u0131l\u0131k daha da artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hamidiye Alaylar\u0131 her
\nzaman su\u00e7 \u00e7eteleri anlam\u0131na gelmi\u015ftir. Bu su\u00e7 \u00e7eteleri kom\u015fular\u0131na g\u00f6z\u00fc d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f
\nbir \u015fekilde sald\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u00a0 <\/span>Kendi
\ntoplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k \u00fczerinden ya\u015fama tutunma, K\u00fcrt egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n
\nyabanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 katmerle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131ca devletin sundu\u011fu maddi olanaklar
\nK\u00fcrtl\u00fck \u00fczerinden bir kendini pazarlayan bir kesimi de do\u011furmu\u015ftur. TC tarihi
\nboyunca bu form kendini egemenlere \u015firin g\u00f6sterme i\u00e7in mebus olma ya da korucu
\nolma s\u0131ras\u0131na giren tiplerde kendini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Maddi olanaklar \u00fczerinden
\nK\u00fcrtl\u00fckten uzakla\u015ft\u0131rma bu y\u00f6ntemin etkili olmas\u0131 nedeniyle soyk\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 T\u00fcrk
\ndevlet sisteminin temel metodu haline gelmi\u015ftir.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\nAbd\u00fclhamit\u2019in K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bu temeldedir. K\u00fcrtleri sad\u0131k bendi haline
\ngetirme bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n nirengi noktas\u0131d\u0131r. Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan zihinsel olarak koparma
\nve maddi olanaklarla kirli i\u015flerini yapt\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir z\u00fcmre yaratma \u015feklinde
\n\u00f6zetlenebilecek bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n ilk emaresi oldu\u011funu belirtebiliriz.
\nK\u00fcrd\u00fcn ink\u00e2r ve imhas\u0131na giden yola Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in \u00f6nemli k\u00f6\u015fe ta\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6\u015feyen
\nbiri olarak g\u00f6rmek bizi tarihsel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe yakla\u015ft\u0131racakt\u0131r.<\/font>\u00a0<\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n
\nalt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00f6zellikle Balkanlarda ya\u015fayan halklar 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan
\nitibaren ulusal haklar temelinde m\u00fccadele etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu isyanlar her ne
\nkadar Frans\u0131z Devrimin etkilerini bar\u0131nd\u0131rsa da Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n geleneksel yap\u0131dan
\nulus devlet formuna ge\u00e7meye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131yd\u0131. K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da bu
\nba\u011flamda isyanlar art arda geli\u015fti. Bu m\u00fccadelede zorlanan ve baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerden
\n\u00e7ekilmek zorunda kalan Osmanl\u0131 \u00f6zellikle halklara kar\u015f\u0131 farkl\u0131 politikalar
\ny\u00fcr\u00fctmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Me\u015frutiyet y\u00f6netimini savunan kimseler bu halklar\u0131n sisteme
\nd\u00e2hil edilip, Osmanl\u0131 kimli\u011fiyle s\u00f6m\u00fcrge alt\u0131nda tutulabilece\u011fini iddia
\nediyordu. Kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ilahili\u011finden \u015f\u00fcphesi olmayan Abd\u00fclhamit ise
\nb\u0131rakal\u0131m halklar\u0131n devlet y\u00f6netiminde temsil d\u00fczeyinde yer almas\u0131 ve
\nhaklar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015flemesini, iktidar\u0131n\u0131n en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 bile kimseyle payla\u015fmay\u0131
\nsindirecek zihniyette de\u011fildi. Onun d\u00f6neminde baz\u0131 halklar\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya
\n\u00f6zerkli\u011fi kazanmas\u0131 ancak zor yoluyla ve kapitalist merkez devletlerin
\nbask\u0131s\u0131yla olabilmi\u015fti.<\/font><\/p>\n
\negemenli\u011fi d\u00f6neminde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcreci ele almak bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmaktad\u0131r.
\nKeza bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 \u00e7etrefili oldu\u011fu kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck trajedileri ve bir\u00e7ok de\u011fi\u015fkeni
\nbar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. 19. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son \u00e7eyre\u011fi ile birlikte Ermeni halk\u0131n\u0131n
\n\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade edebiliriz. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerde gerek Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ama
\ngerekse \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin y\u00f6nlendirici rol\u00fc vard\u0131r. Bu emperyalist devletler
\nOsmanl\u0131 ile \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinde, Ermeni halk\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fal taleplerini kullanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.
\nBu \u00e7aba Abd\u00fclhamit \u015fahs\u0131nda zor ve katliamlarla kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131. Hamidiye
\nAlaylar\u0131n\u0131n kurulu\u015f amac\u0131n\u0131 ele al\u0131rken bu noktaya k\u0131smen de\u011finmi\u015ftik.
\nAbd\u00fclhamit\u2019in Ermeni halk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir genel ve ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir soyk\u0131r\u0131m
\nplanlamas\u0131 oldu\u011funu iddia edebilmek i\u00e7in yeterince kan\u0131t yoktur fakat 1915\u2019in
\nilk ad\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 onun att\u0131\u011f\u0131 nettir.<\/font><\/p>\n
\ny\u00f6nelik katliam sadece bir b\u00f6lgeyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir sald\u0131r\u0131 de\u011fildir. Van\u2019dan
\nSason\u2019a Ermeni halk\u0131na y\u00f6nelik katliamlar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Bu katliamlar
\nsonucunda en az 80.000 Ermeni \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Binlercesi s\u00fcrg\u00fcn edilmi\u015f ve mal
\nvarl\u0131klar\u0131 gasp edilmi\u015ftir. Abd\u00fclhamit \u201cK\u0131z\u0131l Sultan lakab\u0131n\u0131 bu
\nkatliamlardaki rol\u00fcne atfen geli\u015fmi\u015ftir. Adalet timsali olarak sunulan
\nAbd\u00fclhamit\u2019in zorba ve katliamc\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc sadece bu pratik bile
\ng\u00f6stermektedir.\u00a0 <\/span>Ermeni halk\u0131na \u00e7e\u015fitli
\nvaatlerde bulunan emperyalist devletlerin bu katliama tepkisi ise dudak ucuyla
\nk\u0131naman\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7memi\u015ftir. Ermeni halk\u0131 bu katliamlarla daha g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz hale
\ngelmi\u015f ve de\u011fi\u015fik bir\u00e7ok etmenle birlikte bu durum 1915\u2019i daha olas\u0131 hale
\ngetirmi\u015ftir.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\n\u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir di\u011fer konu da Siyonistlerle ili\u015fkisidir. Bu konu da yo\u011fun bir
\n\u00e7arp\u0131tma s\u00f6z konusudur. Yahudi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri ile Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in \u00e7eli\u015fkileri
\noldu\u011fu do\u011frudur. \u0130ttihat ve Terakki \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ve zihniyetinin olu\u015fumunda
\nMason loncalar\u0131n\u0131n dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Siyonizmin belirleyici etkisi oldu\u011fu ise
\ntart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zd\u0131r. K\u00fcrt Halk \u00d6nderi Abdullah \u00d6calan, son savunmas\u0131nda
\nAbd\u00fclhamit\u2019in iktidardan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin temel nedenin bu oldu\u011funu
\nvurgulamaktad\u0131r. Fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in Yahudi kesimlerle yak\u0131n
\nili\u015fkileri oldu\u011funu da eklemektedir.\u00a0<\/font><\/p>\n
\nAbd\u00fclhamit ile Filistin\u2019le ilgili g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerine bakmak bize bu konuda fikir
\nverir. Zaten Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019e \u00f6vg\u00fcler bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131larak yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Resmi
\nteze g\u00f6re Siyonist hareketin lideri Abd\u00fclhamit ile iki kez ba\u015f ba\u015fa g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcp
\nFilistin\u2019i sat\u0131n alma teklifinde bulunmu\u015f, Abd\u00fclhamit ise g\u00fcya \u201cVatan benim
\nmal\u0131m de\u011fil, ayr\u0131ca toprak sat\u0131lmaz diye cevap vermi\u015f. Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in
\nFilistin\u2019de \u00f6zerk bir Yahudi devleti ve Filistin\u2019e yap\u0131lacak topu Yahudi g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fc
\nkabul etmedi\u011fi do\u011frudur. Fakat Siyonist hareketin kurucu lideri Theodor Herzl
\n\u00e7ok s\u0131k\u0131 bir ili\u015fki kurdu\u011fu ve pek \u00e7ok kez mektupla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Yahudilerin
\nOsmanl\u0131\u2019ya tek bir b\u00f6lgeye olmamak \u00fczere g\u00f6\u00e7mesini istedi\u011fi kesindir. Ayr\u0131ca
\nYahudilerle her zaman \u00e7ok s\u0131k\u0131 bir ili\u015fki geli\u015ftirmek istemektedir, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n
\n\u201cy\u00fcce halifesi .<\/font><\/p>\n
\nal\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u0130slami bir tepki yoktur. Ayr\u0131ca topra\u011f\u0131 kendi mal\u0131 g\u00f6rmeme durumu
\nkesinlikle s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. Sadece Abd\u00fclhamit i\u00e7in de\u011fil t\u00fcm Osmanl\u0131
\npadi\u015fahlar\u0131 i\u00e7in Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n egemen oldu\u011fu topraklar vatan de\u011fil onlar\u0131n
\nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Osmanl\u0131 hukuk sisteminde teoride t\u00fcm topraklar zaten padi\u015fah\u0131n
\nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Fakat toprakta farkl\u0131 t\u00fcr m\u00fclkiyet \u015fekilleri vard\u0131r. Bu konuda
\nayr\u0131nt\u0131ya girmektense \u015funu ifade etmek gerekir geliri do\u011frudan padi\u015faha giden
\ntopraklar her zaman olmakla beraber bu topraklar bireysel olarak \u015fu ya da bu
\npadi\u015fah\u0131n de\u011fil taht\u0131n mal\u0131d\u0131r.\u00a0<\/font><\/p>\n
\ntapulayarak ki\u015fisel mal\u0131 haline getiren (\u00d6rne\u011fin Musul\u2019da bir\u00e7ok alan\u0131 petrol
\nolma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 buralar\u0131 \u015fahsi mal\u0131 haline getirmi\u015ftir. Bu durum
\nsonradan \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin Musul\u2019u i\u015fgali sonras\u0131 garip hukuki problemlere neden
\nolmu\u015ftur.) ilk Osmanl\u0131 padi\u015fah\u0131 Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019tir. Sade bir ya\u015fam s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc iddia
\nedilen Abd\u00fclhamit\u2019in ki\u015fisel zenginle\u015fmesine \u00e7ok \u00f6nem verdi\u011fi bilinmektedir.\u00a0<\/font><\/p>\n
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